The third theoretical tradition which helped to inform the debate surrounding the idea of ‘good citizenship’ was communitarianism. Communitarianism was also concerned with the notion of ‘common good’, which promoted a philosophy that emphasised the connection between the
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individual and the community. While the ‘community’ may be a family unit, it was usually understood in the wider sense of interactions between a community of people in a geographical location, or who have a shared history or interest (McIntyre, 2008). Communitarian philosophy was derived from the assumption that individuality was a product of community relationships rather than only individual traits.
Etzioni (1995) promoted the concept that the ‘good citizen’ may well engage with the transitional institutions that stood between the individual and the government, such as the family, schools, trade unions, religious groups, neighbourhood and voluntary organisations. This was clearly something that was also picked up on by Crick (1998). Etzioni (1995) suggested that communitarianism stressed the importance of connectional community groups in an attempt to declare the community as an ethical base for political action. Perhaps this was something which was important when immigration and cultural diversity made the social cement even more fractious than that described by Durkheim (1895-1917). As such, the individual may well seek to be a good citizen through their participation but influence the government in such a way that was contrary to the common good. David Cameron, the former British Prime Minister, often spoke about segregated communities which failed to integrate with the rest of society. A person might be an active citizen, law abiding, economically independent and family orientated but a person’s regular activities might be in contrast to others. This was where citizenship education sought to identify and propagate British values in a multi-cultural society, certainly a task difficult to achieve.
Heller (1999) also offered a communitarian aspect in her perception of ‘good citizenship’. She viewed involvement in activities where justice was at stake for those who cannot voice their own grievances as an act of solidarity. In addition, the concept of long term commitment was also central to her theory of ‘good citizenship’. For Heller, a ‘good citizen’ embraced the cause of individuals (or groups) not out of care or concern for a particular individual, or group of individuals, but out of a commitment to justice. She also highlighted and signified the liberal qualities of tolerance and equality in her perception of ‘good citizenship’. Through her ideas of ‘radical tolerance’, Heller (1999) conveyed that ‘good citizens’ should not impose standards on others, rather that they should obtain co-operation between persons who participated in different ways of life and recognised all forms of life equally, as well as the needs of all human groups.
However, Heller (1999) also argued that an individual would, ‘Take responsibility for what happens in
the closer environment; a concerned person but not necessarily a good citizen’ (p. 153). ‘Good
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necessitate an obligation to boring meetings or action in the interest of the public. Yet this was more than that expected by Etzioni (1995), as he argued that the ‘good citizen’ might be called upon to serve in the military, serve on juries, vote and obey the law but should be expected to follow their own desires and wants. Etzioni appeared to be placating liberal desires about pursuing economic wants and engagement in capitalism and the labour market or business. Furthermore, Etzioni argued that the individual ought to be allowed to follow their own religion and even a sense of attachment to their country of origin. Perhaps this is where this form of communitarianism offers problems for the notion of the ‘good citizen.’ Etzioni said, ‘If one’s religion was intolerant, viewed women as of an
inferior status and believed that sexual minorities have no right to respect or the protection of the law then this created bad citizenship and social instability’ (Etzioni, 1995, p.336). Furthermore, the
notion of secondary loyalty was a challenging one as when the British national state was at war with another country such secondary loyalty may turn into a primary loyalty through emotions or a sense of injustice. Again, this may cause a sense of contradiction that meant the individual could not be wholly communitarian and would be difficult to implement in citizenship education.
Finally, Heller (1999) added wisdom to her perception of ‘good citizenship’ by including ‘state pride’ as another defining quality. She believed that ‘good citizens’ felt responsible for their own country and everything that happened in it and wanted the state to have the best of constitutions, laws and social arrangements. Communitarianism, therefore, was connected with the notion of ‘the common good’.
When the new Labour government was elected in 1997 the balance between rights and responsibilities was further developed through their interest in Civic Republicanism and Communitarianism. New Labour saw active citizenship as a way of re-engaging citizens with the decision-making processes at the local level. For example, the British Parliament was too remote to be particularly useful for small communities and issues like climate change were far too big an issue to be dealt with by one nation state. If greater local participation could be fostered, decisions could be taken closer to the people they effect. This objective was to be encouraged through civic participation, volunteering, citizenship education and lifelong learning. David Blunkett, who was a Member of Parliament and a pupil of Sir Bernard Crick, was responsible for introducing citizenship education into schools. He endorsed the notion of 'civic renewal' and the 'active citizen' (Blunkett, 2003a, 2003b). Blunkett hoped the 'active citizen' would be someone who might contribute to the decision making processes shaping their lives. Blunkett saw civic renewal as a civic republican process where active citizenship included the, 'Cultivation of civic virtues and required education for
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civic duty and political participation. Crick was also influenced by a communitarianism that emphasised the cultural solidarity that existed between individuals. This was said to create communities and social stability and that it was this community identity that was the basis of citizenship (Etzioni, 1995). However, this issue had been criticised earlier in that a local community cannot provide the individual with recognisable and legally enforceable rights.
The next section presents a range of arguments against these more classical theories.