Estudio Experimental

dimensional image of the location of Wingfield Castle, showing its

position on a plateau to the south of the River Waveney, beside Wingfield Green.

Figure 35 : Key showing the sight- line of the above image in red and approximate range of the image.

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As discussed above, water features were vital components of fifteenth-century elite landscapes, an important means of expressing rank and control over resources and as indicators of changing levels of exclusivity. At Wingfield Castle the underlying clay soils would have made the retention of ground water a viable option for supplying the South East sub-region having some of the highest concentrations of moated sites in East Anglia. However, in the North East sub region, the light loamy soils were less amenable to construction of water features and the highly fertile land was at a premium, making the creation of elite landscapes a difficult and expensive undertaking. There was a surfeit of water available on the coastal marshes to the south of Caister where the loamy, clayey soils with naturally high groundwater could be used for a range of water features. However, this was not a location conducive to the creation of a high-status residence with impressive surroundings, as the low-lying, dank terrain of the tidal marshes lacked suitable sites for construction of a high-status residence and it would have been difficult to control seasonal flooding. The marsh also provided the perfect habitat for biting insects and the damp air was perhaps thought to encourage disease and ailments.

Fastolf’s antecedents had overcome these problems by building their manor at the head of a shallow valley that runs north-eastward from the marshes, at the point where the loamy clays of the marshes give way to light fertile loams. This location provided Sir John with a site that was separated from the main expanse of the coastal marshes, whilst still providing more water retentive soils and the water supplies he needed for his ambitious plans. It seems likely that the creation of a carefully manipulated, extensive watery landscape around his castle was an important factor in Sir John’s strategy to assert his position amongst the leading regional magnates such as De la Poles and Mowbrays.

Fastolf was a very wealthy man, having made a fortune during his years in France and through the profits of lucrative offices of state. In the years between 1415 and 1445 he is estimated to have spent almost £14,000 on property in East Anglia, Essex and elsewhere in England. The profits from these estates allowed Fastolf to build a fine moated house at Horsley Down in Southwark and invest £6,000 pounds on the construction of Caister Castle.49 His fiscal resources allowed him to create a magnificent residence surrounded by moats, approached by a canal, with pools and

49 Woolgar, C. M., (1999) The Great Household in Late-medieval England London, Yale University Press, pp. 7-8.

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possibly a mere, set amongst lush meadows. Sir John’s expenditure on Caister makes the 2, 000 marks spent by Sir John Wodehouse on The Rey appear somewhat paltry in comparison. The building of Caister Castle and the creation of an elaborate watery setting would have sent powerful messages to his political rivals, to his allies and to the local inhabitants. Fastolf was letting De la Pole and his faction know that he was a force to be reckoned with both at court and in East Anglia, whilst allies could be assured that Fastolf had the authority, resources and influence to protect their interests. The local inhabitants and the populations of Caister and Yarmouth were sent an unequivocal statement that the manor of Caister Fastolf’s was now a focus of Fastolf’s power and authority and had been spectacularly rebuilt after the depredations by an earlier generation of rebels.

From a more practical perspective, apart from water resources, the raw materials for brick making were available nearby. Archaeological evidence has led to the identification of a brick-making site (TG 5106 1017) to the south of the castle near the River Bure.50 The site - known as The Brick Pits- has been dated to the medieval or early post-medieval period and bricks found amongst the earthworks resemble those used in the construction of the castle. A second brickworks and a sandpit were recorded on the First Edition OS in the neighbouring parish of Mautby suggesting that the area around the castle was provided with adequate supplies of raw materials for Sir John’s ambitious project. Supplies of stone, timber and other goods could have been shipped through the port of Great Yarmouth, two kilometres to the east, reaching the construction site via a watercourse known as Pickerhill Holme that connected the River Bure to the canal created for Sir John that brought barges into the castle precinct. On completion of the castle, the canal provided an efficient means of transport to the port of Yarmouth, with its links to the east coast of England and continental ports, whilst the River Yare gave access to Norwich. Apart from practicality, the canal allowed visitors to approach the castle along a route, created by, and under the control of Fastolf, from which they could be impressed by the landscape he had created and be aware of increasing exclusivity as they neared the castle.

The moats, turrets, curtain walls and soaring five-storey tower were doubtless intended to impress Sir John’s peers and reflect his long military career, but would also have

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supplied a degree of protection for the plate and coin in his treasury and chapel.51 Part of the original manor, which may have been moated, was preserved within the walls of the new building and a free chapel was retained.52 The interior apartments were lavishly furnished to provide a comfortable, well-appointed residence from which Sir John could manage his considerable political, financial and property interests.53 Matthew Johnson has argued that Fastolf arranged the water features, buildings and approaches in order to reveal gradually the splendour of the residence, the visitor having to pause and change direction at specific locations to get the next view of part of the castle.54 The plan of Caister and its surroundings can be understood in that way, but can also be interpreted as a succession of ever more exclusive areas. The various levels of exclusivity demarcated by physical features and by liminal and subliminal messages of control and authority.

The area around the castle is shown on the enclosure map for Caister –next-Yarmouth, dated 1815.55 The landscape had altered considerably by this date, given widespread drainage in the area and piecemeal enclosure of the open fields prior to the Parliamentary Act. Much of the land between the River Bure and the point where the shallow valley leading to the castle begins lies at, or below, sea level and in the fifteenth century would have been a watery landscape of marsh and creeks. The valley leading from the marshes to the west front of the castle only rises a few metres along its length and it may have been the case that the small mere shown below the castle in 1815 was more extensive in the fifteenth century. The map suggests that barges approaching from the River Bure may have sailed into the mere before progressing into the canal that led to the castle, perhaps delaying arrival so that visitors could absorb the splendour of the scene before them. The canal then proceeded towards a turreted barge house, where boats passed under an archway into the barge yard. Such an approach could not fail to impress, whether the audience were boatmen delivering goods or honoured guests.

51 The Paston Letters 1422-1509 A.D. Vol 1, pp. 467-490. 52 NHER 8671

53 Inventory of Sir John Fastolf’s Goods & Sir John Fastolf’s Wardrobe Paston Letters Vol 1, pp. 467 – 490.

54 Johnson (2002) Behind the Castle Gate: From Medieval to Renaissance, pp. 50 -51. 55 NRO C/Sca 2/63, Enclosure Award 1815, map undated but circa 1815

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Figure 36:

The site of Caister Castle as shown on the enclosure map of 1815

NRO C/Sca 2/63

Figure 37: Eighteenth-century plan of Caister Castle reproduced in Dawson

Turner’s Sketch of the History of Caister Castle near Yarmouth London, Whittaker & Co. 1842

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The paucity of contemporary documentation for the estate surrounding the castle has made reconstruction of the surroundings problematic. An eighteenth-century plan of the castle was reproduced by Dawson Turner in 1842 and is shown in Figure 37, above. This plan was used in conjunction with the Enclosure map and Tithe Award and the First Edition OS to create Figure 38.

Figure 38: A plan of Caister Castle and the possible arrangement of its surroundings in the fifteenth century, showing part of the demesne in shades of

green.

Both display and access were carefully orchestrated at Caister, the most exclusive views being reserved for those approaching along the canal. Those passing along the road between Caister and Norwich would have glimpsed the castle from a slightly elevated position, across the intervening open fields, its tower rising above the water of the moats and marking it as a residence of great significance. For those approaching or passing on the Yarmouth road the walls and turrets of the base court would have risen from the waters of the moat, indicating that a man of substance and rank occupied the castle without allowing any view of or access to the more exclusive parts of the

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residence. Only those admitted, possibly through a lodge or gatehouse indicated in the 1760 plan, would be able to make their way into either the service yards or the base court. The latter housed the lodgings of relatives, household officers, servants and the staff accompanying guests. The majority of these individuals were accommodated in designated sleeping chambers not used for the pursuance of business or household duties.56

Figure 39: Caister Hall Elite zones

Guests and senior household officers were lodged within the main court in rooms described in two inventories dated 1448 and 1462.57 The documents were used by C. M. Woolgar to identify the internal arrangements of the Principal Court and show that the two great halls, the guest suites, Sir John’s suite of rooms and those of his wife, Lady Millicent occupied the west, south and north wings of the courtyard.58 The most prestigious chambers were furthest from the Base Court and overlooked the carefully- manufactured landscape comprising the moat, gardens and barge yard, with the canal, meadows and mere to the west and Dove House piece to the north. These spatial

56 Woolgar, C. M., (1999) The Great Household in Late-medieval England, pp. 63- 65.

57 A detailed inventory of John Fastolf’s goods and another of his wardrobe were included by Gairdner in his edition of The Paston Letters Volume 1, pp. 467-491.

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arrangements suggest a zoning of the exclusivity both within the castle and in the surrounding grounds, fanning out from the great five-storey tower. The service court and base court with the walls and moat served as physical barriers, controlling to access to and views of the most exclusive areas. The highest-ranking occupants could enter by the most prestigious route, along the canal through a landscape that expressed Fastolf’s ability to control and manage natural resources. The mere may have acted as a holding area not only to allow the view to be appreciated, but to restrict access along the canal to those who had specific reasons for visiting the castle. In this way, Fastolf could also demonstrate his authority over the local population, and by implication the wider community. Despite his wealth and influence, Fastolf does not appear to have been able to create a significant area of parkland, the only place-name evidence being the small area of woodland called Nut Park Piece to the north of the meadows. Nor was his ambition to found a college of priests at Caister fulfilled, a college eventually being established at Oxford rather than Caister, contrary to the terms of his will.59 In these two matters, Wingfield Castle surpassed Caister but Fastolf succeeded on all other levels and created what is considered to have been one of the finest residences in fifteenth- century England.60 Whilst not as grand as some late-medieval residences in other regions, for example, Herstmonceux Castle in Sussex built by Sir Roger Fienes in the 1440s, Caister certainly appears to have fulfilled Fastolf’s aspiration to create a residence that would help him to assert his authority within East Anglia. Sir John created a purpose-built residence that encapsulated his ancestry, rank, ambition and wealth and it could be argued that it out-shone both the medieval grandeur of Framlingham, the dour bulk of Wingfield and the reputed, opulent beauty of The Rey. As we shall see, Caister Castle would be a much admired and coveted residence for the remainder of the fifteenth century.

By the 1440s, William de la Pole had become the first duke of Suffolk and still held the balance of power in East Anglia, but he no longer wielded power from Wingfield Castle staying instead at Ewelme Palace, part of his wife’s Oxfordshire estates, or in London, where he could better attend to affairs of state.61 It is interesting to speculate whether Fastolf’s splendid castle had anything to do with his decision to abandon his historic

59 Richmond, C., (1996) The Paston Family in the Fifteenth Century: Fastolf’s Will. Cambridge University Press

60 Pevsner, N. & Wilson, B. (2002 edition) The Buildings of England: Norfolk. Vol.1, Norwich and

North-East London, Yale University Press, p. 715.

61 Virgoe R., (1997) “Three Suffolk Parliamentary Elections of the Mid-Fifteenth Century” East Anglian

Society and the Political Community of Late-medieval England: The Selected Papers of Roger Virgoe , p.

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caput of Wingfield Castle, which subsequently declined in status. The Duke of Suffolk relied increasingly on his principal supporters in East Anglia, such as Thomas Tuddenham and John Heydon to maintain his interests in the region. John Mowbray had attained his majority and was second Duke of Norfolk but was not considered an influential force either nationally or in East Anglia during the 1440s.62A new challenger to the Duke of Suffolk’s authority emerged from Mowbray’s retinue in the person of Thomas Danyell, esquire. Danyell wielded considerable influence at court and seems to have noted the gap left by the John Mowbray’s deficiencies and began developing a power-base in East Anglia, ostensibly as a supporter of the Duke of Norfolk. 63 Danyell married Margaret, the sister of a future Duke of Norfolk, John Howard, which increased his credibility in East Anglia as did the grant of the Constableship of Castle Rising by Henry VI. Danyell needed to acquire property in East Anglia in order to challenge the Duke of Suffolk’s authority and so that he could fulfil the residency requirement to be elected a knight of the shire. In 1446, he obtained the quitclaim of a number of former Wodehouse manors including the manor of Roydon Hall and the The Rey from John Paston, as recorded in the Close Rolls of that year-

John Paston, son and heir of William Paston late of Norffolk, to Thomas Danyell esquire and his heirs. Quitclaim of the manors of 'Wellhalle,' Grymston, Rydoun and Congham co. Norffolk. Dated 20 November 25 Henry VI.

Memorandum of acknowledgment, 26 November. 64

The Pastons, like Danyell, were relatively new members of the East Anglian elite having risen from the ranks of the minor gentry through the skill of lawyer and judge William Paston, and greatly assisted by William’s marriage to Agnes daughter and heir of Sir Edmund Berry in 1420.65 The Pastons were related by marriage to Sir John Fastolf and like Danyell were amongst the Duke of Norfolk’s supporters. It is unclear how John Paston acquired an interest in the Wodehouse manors but it was around this time that the Wodehouses were trying to consolidate their estates at Kimberley though often in straightened circumstances. However, Danyell’s claim to the lands mentioned in the above extract was challenged by Henry Wodehouse and there followed a lengthy

62 Virgoe, R., (1997), p. 53.

63 Virgoe R., (1997) “Three Suffolk Parliamentary Elections of the Mid-Fifteenth Century”, p. 53. 64 'Close Rolls, Henry VI: December 1446', Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry VI: volume 4: 1441-1447 (1937)

65 Gairdner, J (1900) The Paston Letters 1422 – 1509, Volume 1, p. 11; Settlement between Sir Edmund Berre and William Paston prior to William’s marriage to Agnes Berre,

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and at times bitter dispute ensued between this long-established family and the new man who was making his way up the East Anglian hierarchy. 66 The Rey provided Danyell with a high-status residence, near Castle Rising, from which he could control the West of East Anglia, with the added cache of The Rey’s renowned builder, Sir John Wodehouse of Agincourt fame. In a possible attempt to legitimise his claim to the Wodehouse lands, Thomas Danyell sought a licence to crenellate and empark The Rey, which was granted in 1446. The licence, which is one of the few documentary sources for the fifteenth-century landscape surrounding The Rey, gave permission to –

imbattle, crenellate and fortify the manor of Roydon with stone and lime & impark 70a. marsh, 200a. pasture and 100a. meadow with pales and ditches & liberty of free warren.67

The application for a licence does not imply that Danyell intended to convert The Rey into a defensive structure; rather the licence was probably a means of reinforcing Danyell’s claim to the property whilst increasing his own status and the exclusivity of the residence and its surroundings. Charles Coulson has argued that licences to embattle were part of the complex system of chivalric honour and knightly symbolism, and as such should not be taken as evidence of any defensive intent.68 Robert Liddiard’s assertion that such licences were often sought by lords who wished to demonstrate their close affinity to the monarch may be particularly relevant in this case given the dispute between Danyell and the Wodehouses.69 However, in this case it may have been necessary for Danyell to request a licence as Roydon lay within the Rising Chase, which was in effect a royal forest making it essential rather than pretentious to obtain a licence to empark.70

Field boundaries and eighteenth-century sources suggest that the three hundred and seventy acres of marsh, meadow and pasture mentioned in 1446 may equate with Congham Warren and the group of closes within an oval enclosure surrounding the site of The Rey, as shown in Figure 40. The two areas outlined by the red hatched line

66 Blomefield, F., (1808) 'Freebridge Hundred: Reydon, or Rydon', An Essay towards a Topographical

History of the County of Norfolk: volume 9, pp. 59-62.

67 NRO NAS 1/1/18/3

68 Coulson, C., (1994) “Freedom to crenellate by licence: an historiographical revision” Nottingham

Medieval Studies 38, 86 -137, cited in Johnson, M., (2002) Behind the Castle Gate, p. 24.

69 Liddiard, R., (2005) Castles in Context Macclesfield, Windgather, pp.43-4.

70 Roydon was recorded as one of the parishes lying entirely within Rising Chase on a map surveyed in