ESTUDIO JURÍDICO

I first heard the term “wooden Roma” when Milosh used it as slang for a kind of

“inauthentic Roma”, during a conversation with some Romani community members who were expressing frustration by those who actively utilize Romani ethnic labels only to benefit/profit from such a label. These two meanings are not the same, but they both centre on the oft-controversial core of who is considered “authentically” Romani. I asked Milosh for more elaboration on this term:

It is a Rromanes concept, a translation of Rrom Kashtalo or Rromni Kashtali. It means a Romani person, often a spokesperson for Roma, who doesn’t speak Rromanes—sort of like a cigar store “wooden Indian”…it can also refer to an assimilated Romani person who has lived a middle- class existence but doesn’t speak Romani or know anything about life in the ghettoes or settlements…A non-Romani person who puts on a false

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I found it interesting to note the frequency with which Romani community members spontaneously raised Palestinians and their experiences in conversations, drawing many different kinds of connections between the two communities.

image of being Romani like [redacted], who is referred to as a Gazho kai kerel-pe Rrom…These are people who take on the [Romani] identity for financial reasons and play up the stereotypes, usually in the arts or by an author, etc., who has a “Gypsy great-grandmother”. On the other hand, there are lost Roma, babies who were adopted by non-Roma but their physical appearance is often enough for them to be recognized as Roma, like [redacted]. (Correspondence 2013)

Such a term and explanation dovetails with anthropological understandings of boundaries as constantly shifting depending on the actor, perspective, and context. Can someone be Romani if they were/were not assimilated, if they do/do not speak the language, etc.? Who is considered to be truly Romani depends largely on the actor doing the deciding, as well as on the presumptions regarding another’s intentions (something not easily proven, as related in the previous section). At RCC meetings, these tensions would sometimes arise in the form of accusations of specific Romani individuals profiting from the general Romani community without adequately giving back. These discussions caused tension among some members that thus further influenced individual and collective perceptions of identities. For example, Rachael, another Canadian-Romani community member stated:

Rachael: You know it’s funny—what my identity is for me, what it means to be Roma, is probably more neutral in the time that I’ve been involved in the RCC. Like, I identify as less Roma now after a year on the board as I did when I joined, for sure.

Julianna: Why?

Rachael: Um, because I have more in common with my 30-something white anarchist academic-y friends than I do with the guys on the board, in terms of the world that I want, that I live in, and the culture that I belong to. When I’m trying to explain it to you—it’s like being on a board with your grandfather, except my grandfather would never yell or scream at each other. It’s like that—it’s like being on a board with my grandfather... a bunch of [boisterous] grandfathers together trying to get them to make decisions, and so [laughs] (Interview 2012, emphasis based on tone) Rachael’s main point—that involvement with the community has actually decreased her sense of being Romani—is related to Milosh’s point above, whereby a persistent

awareness in the Romani community exists of others who may profit from specific Romani/Gypsy labels. This tension can actually be beneficial to the community, despite

occasionally hostile debates: for example, even if you dislike and disagree with a fellow Romani Board Member who is accusing you of only taking from the community, it is reinforced to you that this community is inherently dynamic, often vulnerable, and everyone is constantly reacting to everyone else. It can be considered both a positive and negative reaffirmation to be reminded by a member of your own community that you will be held accountable, should you try to profit or use your community in ways that others feel are undesirable or inappropriate.

Rachael, contrasting the manner in which she participated at meetings with others, found herself to be “less Roma” than when she began working with the community. This is particularly interesting, as one may expect identification with a group to be reinforced by increased activity and participation within the group. However, I do not see this as surprising or contradictory. Catalysts and/or negotiation processes that alter one’s perceived group identity occur more frequently with more exposure to the respective group. Therefore there are more opportunities to reinforce an identity when it is in part based on community participation (as I argue for the Romani-Canadian context), as well for a group identity to be challenged by those with differing beliefs, priorities, and definitions. Rachael related further:

It’s funny. I’ve gone home after RCC meetings and been like, “I’ve never felt this Canadian as I have in my whole life”. When I’m like, “everyone stop yelling at each other”. I’m like, “Oh my god, I’m being such a

Canadian, I’m offended that everyone is using a yelling voice”. You know [laughs] so I’ve gone home, and joked, “I’ve never felt so Canadian in my life than when I go to these meetings, and everyone’s just yelling at each other, and no one can stay on the agenda”, it’s making me crazy.

(Interview 2012)

In the above quote, Rachael is consciously engaging with and negotiating how and where she belongs on various levels of identity, indicative of the processual nature of identity- making (while also maintaining a sense of humour about it). Although Rachael is not regarded as a “wooden Roma”, being openly inquisitive about her identity invokes others to reflect upon who is included, excluded, or “less Roma”.

Community reactions to Romani members’ own experiences and identities similarly vary based on contexts. In one conversation, May, a Romani performer, initially raised the

issue of asserting her Romani identity in a perceived larger Canadian society, but soon also related how non-Roma and Roma perceive Romani identities, as well:

Julianna: You’re saying you “came out to people,” and I can’t help but see the parallel in sexual identities or—is it similar? I’m just wondering why you chose that phrase [“come out”], what does that means to you?

May: Oh dear, I don’t know. I can’t figure out why I chose that phrase, but that’s the easiest thing that came to mind. I think I said that because I’m comfortable with it now—people can do what they want with it. I didn’t make a point of calling up all my friends, and saying “Guess what, I’m coming out as Romani” and “Don’t say Gypsy”. The common thing was, they would say, “the Roma Community Center, what’s that?” “Oh, well, it’s blah blah blah”. Commonly though, people I don’t know would say, “How did you get involved in the Roma Community Center?” And I would say, “well, my father was Romani”—“Ooooh”. And then I would get various comments by Roma people, saying “Really? That’s cool”, or, “Good”, or, “I don’t believe you”, or whatever they want to say. From non-Roma, I get, “You don't look it”, or, “You don’t act it”.

How others see or identify us informs the way we view ourselves. May, having to repeatedly justify herself to Roma and non-Roma alike has changed her perspective on what her Romani identity means in practice.

Physical appearances, certainly, cannot be used to define or bind a group, especially Roma. For example, a painting of a group of Romani people (in many shades, with many diverging physical characteristics) was shared online with community members and soon critiqued by some frustrated at its use of stereotypical Gypsy appearances. However, other members defended it: “It does a great job at reflecting the diversity in our community…it speaks to some [of our] shared cultural elements and our diverse geographic regions”. Rather than an antagonistic encounter, however, members simply discussed their internal diversity and pointed out how they would like to see it portrayed and reproduced in other contexts. Individuals similarly have different purposes and motivations in choosing what physical or other characteristics they desire to emphasize, remember, define, or display (in or around themselves), which serves to communicate to

others who they are or how they wish to be perceived. While chatting with Jen38 about various RCC projects, we had the exchange below; it is included here for two reasons. First, she describes the significance of physical attributes in relation to Romani identity as a positive community marker, i.e., someone who “looks” Romani and can thus for

example make a stronger impact on Romani youth who see someone who “looks like them” succeeding and being a role model. Second, she relates the importance of “being accountable” to one’s group by, in her case, creating a physical marker on her body that would not let her forget her “white privilege”.

Jen: When you think about why Gina [the RCC Director] is such an awesome role model, it’s largely because how she is, and how she speaks, and the risks that she takes, but it’s also because young Roma women can see themselves in her. They see her be powerful and take on major

challenges—that’s not a role that I would be able to play, because I don’t [trails off]

Julianna: [incredulous] Strong, female role model?

Jen: Well, strong, but one that also looks and presents as a Roma role model.

Julianna: You don’t think you present as one?

Jen: [Pause] Yes and no. Yes and no. I think what I’m trying to do is not be too caught up in trying to, though. [Laughs] Like, I’m not gonna stop dying my hair blonde39, or, trying to authenticate myself.

Julianna: The whole idea of authenticity, do you think about it much? Jen: Yeah, for sure. And I think it’s so prevalent, and the discourse is so out there, that it’s hard not to. I think a part of me got this tattoo because I wanted to not ever be able to pass as non-Roma, or, it was a way of trying to be conscious of that privilege.

Julianna: What tattoo?

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A Canadian-Romani community member who has allowed her real name to be used here. 39

When I contacted Jen later to confirm if she would be ok with me including this excerpt in this work, one of her comments was: “I think it’s also hilarious that I explicitly said I wasn’t going to stop dying my hair blond, and then I promptly did! (Also hilarious that I’m talking about hair dye at all...) But I assure you it isn’t because of a change in my political perspectives re: authenticity—rather, I just started worrying more about putting chemicals on my head.” I found this just one further example regarding how seemingly minor physical appearance choices can be complicated and thoughtful relationships with identity processes.

Jen: It’s the wheel40. Just to have something, so that if I ever wanted slip by as a white girl and not actually be doing any work to support the

community, that I would have this thing that actually would be—to try and keep me accountable to that history…[I got this tattoo] to mark an

accomplishment, and the wheel because it comes from the perspective that lets in the positive things, and keeps the negative things out. I think of it as protective.

Julianna: Was this your first major tattoo, was it a big decision?

Jen: Yeah, it was a major one because I put it in a place where you can see it, which I maybe one day will regret [laughs] but it’s there now. So far, I really like it, so, and my cousin did it, which was cool—

Julianna: Oh, he actually did it? Is he also Romani?

Jen: Yup. And I have that within my family too, cause…my aunt is way darker than my mom, and her kids are way darker, so they—most people think they are Native…I find it so common that lighter-shade people from families are more likely to get involved in activism because of the

privileges that have been afforded to them by their shade. But then have all of this weird identity and white guilt around that lighter-shade privilege [trails off] (Interview 2012)

Thus we can understand the significance of physical markers as communicating

particular messages about identity. In Jen’s examples, such physicality can be a boon for a leader being a role model, as well as an active choice, such as meaningful symbols (the Romani flag/wheel) displayed through body art (tattoos). These are significant because they demonstrate ways that Roma are asserting their right for physical markers of various kinds in the face of prejudice and persecution that usually is enacted precisely because of perceived physical differences (i.e., racism against Roma/Gypsies).

Another example of this kind of challenge against fixed notions of Romani physicality is the recent photo exhibition series by photographer Chad Evans Wyatt, titled romarising.

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She is referring to the spoked wheel that is the prominent feature of the Romani flag, stylized from a traditional use of caravans. The spokes on the wheel have also come to represent specific cultural values, but more generally symbolizes “movement and progress”, as well as its colour (red) representing Romani victims of persecution and hate.

In it, Romani individuals are illustrated in black and white portraits (usually in their everyday work or life settings). He describes the purpose and inspiration of this series:

romarising counters the widely-held view that “Gypsies” merely play music, wear folkloric costumes, wander the country, with little plan for the future. The work presents middle-class and professional class Roma not thought possible to exist, who lead lives rich of accomplishment, while remaining connected to their culture. Each is worthy of the admiration of all who aspire to a just and open society...The black-and-white portraits in this series reduce the psychological experience to its fundamental. An often ordinary context is intentional. This is a manner in which the Roma are seldom presented in the media. They address us with respect and dignity, we are allowed an authentic interaction. (Wyatt 2013) Wyatt created a corresponding Canadian-specific exhibit of romarising, and many community members in Toronto proudly noted their inclusion in this collection of photographs; there are also plans for the pictures and biographies to become part of a hate-crime prevention booklet. As noted by Gina, the RCC Director, “hopefully, these images can help debunk, defy and deconstruct stereotypes about the Roma people, so people can see the community in a different light than as bogus refugees trying to take advantage of the system” (Keung 2013). Wyatt explained his philosophy to me that all of the continuing installations in this series retain the same means and desires: “Dreams are human. We all aspire. Some of us achieve grandly. Ethnicity isn’t relevant within that, save for that which the external imposes” (Personal correspondence 2013).

When Roma physically represent themselves in non-stereotypical ways, this often evokes omnipresent conceptualizations of authenticity. This is not new, in that people of many different groups have been at times objectified and/or subjectified and/or appropriated; this not only affects the people being targeted, but also reflects the larger and unequal power dynamics at play. For example, there may be critiques towards those who profit from a Romani label and yet who do not suffer any of the negative repercussions of actually being Romani (e.g., being discriminated against). Sam, a Canadian-Romani musician, expands on this process further, providing some of his thoughts upon hearing of non-Romani musicians using Gypsy stereotypes as part of their act:

The dancers look like a bunch of Valley airheads stoned on something. I can’t make out what language they are using but it’s not Rromanes. The

music—well—as a Romani folk musician, pardon me while I head for the washroom to barf. Why isn’t [redacted] and his group performing there? They always pick these non-Romani imitators who piggyback on the word Gypsy for these shows. Get down there and do your worst. I wish I could go with you wearing a good pair of steel-tipped Canadian shit-kicker boots. Maybe in Europe they’ll run into a gang of skinheads and learn what it’s like to really be Roma in the real world. (Correspondence 2012) The frustration or anger that is frequently felt by Romani individuals upon seeing non- Roma profit from appropriating or exploiting Romani stereotypes can be positioned in relevance to a frustration of not being able to define one’s own group. Specifically, Roma remain subjectified and/or objectified, while non-Roma remain the “credible” sources for defining or speaking about Romani issues. This invokes Said’s writings on Orientalism, as he describes how corporate institutions control “the Orient” by making statements about it, authorizing particular views, and describing/teaching/settling/ruling over it (1978:3). “In short, Orientalism [is] as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient…[this is] not to say that Orientalism unilaterally

determines what can be said about the Orient, but that it is the whole network of interests inevitably brought to bear” (Said 1978:3).

There is understandable frustration towards those who appropriate “Gypsy”

characteristics. I posit, however, that the larger root issue deals with authenticity and power dynamics in representation, i.e., who is allowed to define the group. This is what is meant by the word “ownership” in this section’s title. Roma have historically had little to no control over their own definitions. This has become so ingrained that, for example, Roma often face dismissal in discussions whenever they request that Halloween costumes avoid “Gypsy” stereotypes. As described by James, a Canadian-Romani individual, this is because Roma have been relegated only as a passive subject, purposefully excluded even from the studies of their own people and ways: “The GLS [Gypsy Lore Society] studies