Evaluación del Plan de Capacitación

especially its attitude about indigenization. Ndiokwere (1990) also observed that equally significant was that both by the challenge of the Christ Army Church and the fact that by the close of the second decade of the twentieth century, Nigeria was beginning to open and people were beginning to move from place to place for various reasons: some in search of jobs or better trading opportunities or search for security, the Niger Delta Pastorate Church began to lose its monopoly of the Christianization of the region.

nothing. Liberal theology reigned. Very few people believed the Bible. And virtually everyone believed the age of miracles in the church was past. If one wanted spiritual power one became or consulted an occultist, spiritualist or a native doctor. And there were many of these. People wanted a reality and a spirituality that eluded them. But it certainly would not have occurred to them to look for this spirituality in the churches.

The churches had a form of religion but denied the power of it. (cf. II Timothy 3:5.

(p.5).

It was in this atmosphere of spiritual paucity and poverty that Prayer House movements began. The Prayer House groups not only prayed a lot, they also preached from the Bible but an attentive listener could easily identify subtle deception. However, Kalu (1996) observed that:

The Prayer Houses preach and teach much but their sermons and doctrines are far from the gospel. The operation of the Holy Spirit was quite bizarre. The Holy Spirit would fall upon only the special ones and when it did come, the manifestations were more or less demonic convulsions. Under the power of the Holy Spirit, they would prophesy, pray for healing and carry on in an exhibitionist and self-important manner.

There was a lot of discipline for spiritual power by way of fasting and very long period of prayer for both the prophets and their congregations. The healers were successful in the act of healing. They sometimes healed even those who were suffering from incurable diseases. They surrounded themselves with religious paraphernalia and other emblems; and they slept with Bible under their pillow and wore crosses blessed by the prophet for purpose of protection. It is therefore, said that those who became the cardinal Evangelicals and Pentecostals in Igboland had themselves been involved in one prayer house or the other, it was there that most people who had a thirst for the deeper spiritual things end up, thinking they had found God in the prayer houses. (p.75).

Iwuagwu (1976), maintained that during the late 1930s and 1940s, most Igbo-founded prayer houses were associated with the Apostolic Church movement, rather than Assemblies of God (AG), possibly because of the latter’s Igbo roots, its relative freedom from missionary control, and promotion of indigenous church principles, which made secession less likely. He noted that two schisms occurred in the late 1930s, resulting in the formation of the Christ Apostolic Church Gospel Mission (1937) and True Apostolic Church (1938). During the 1940s, there were at least two further secessions: Abosso Apostolic Faith Church and St.

Joseph’s Chosen Church of God, both started by former Igbo Apostolic Church members.

Ugwu (1998) pointed out that, Christ Holy Church, founded in 1947 by the late Agnes Okoh, also had links with the Apostolic Church movement. It is currently one of the largest Igbo-founded prayer houses, and a member of the Organisation of African Instituted Churches (OAIC). It was a local initiative, but during its early history was influenced by extraneous sources. The author also recorded that, Agnes Okoh (later the Holy Prophetess Odozi-Obodo claimed a call to ministry through divine revelation after being healed from a long-standing illness. In 1947, she opened a prayer house in Onitsha, and gained a large following due to her healing and prophetic gifts. After a visit from a group attached to the Christ Apostolic Church, Western Nigeria, she called her prayer house Christ Apostolic Church Odozi Obodo, and in the early 1970s it was registered as Christ Holy Church. It fits the profile of the evangelical-type prayer house described by Kalu (1978) due to its strong Christological and evangelistic emphasis. Christ Holy Church describes itself as a Pentecostal, spiritual, and evangelical church, upholds the Bible as the word of God, and in its mission statement claims to ‘worship the triune God in holiness and spread the good news of our Lord Jesus across borders, race and cultures urgently till Jesus Christ returns again. Though it has undergone changes, including the introduction of modern musical instruments, the church still uses ‘holy water’ for healing, and ministers wear white garments.

Iwuagwu (1976) noted also that during the 1950s, other Igbo-founded prayer houses emerged. Perhaps the most popular was the Ufuma Practical Prayer Band (UPPB), which had important links to the Civil War Revival. Established in 1958 as a fellowship affiliated to the Anglican Church, UPPB developed around the ministry of a prophetess called Madam Nwokolo, and its popularity rested upon her apparent healing ministry and the group’s strong interdenominational emphasis. Since the 1970s, it has become an independent body with branches throughout Nigeria. Ufuma Practical Prayer Band fits the profile of Zionist-type prayer house described by Kalu (1978) due to the ritual nature of its liturgy (which included fasting, the use of candles, ‘holy water’, and oil for healing), its lack of a clear Christological focus, and its reluctance to engage in evangelistic activity. Chuta (1986) also pointed out that during the 1950s, maintained P. Ugwuoke (personal communication March 13, 2017) that the emergence of the first of many Igbo-founded sabbattarian groups, the Christ Healing Sabbath Mission, founded in 1956 by Mark Onuabichi. These prayer houses vary considerably, ranging from those that incorporate traditional practices, such as ancestor worship and animal sacrifices, to those with a more Christological focus. Their roots in Igboland go back to Dede Ekeke Lolo, who was briefly associated with the Garrick Braide movement. During the 1960s, they multiplied and diversified, attracting clients from mainline churches, including some who subsequently became involved in the Civil War Revival.

Specifically, Burgess (2008) noted that Prayer houses from Western Nigeria arrived in Igboland in the 1940s, but did not become popular until the 1960s. Initially they attracted non-indigenes, but later were patronised by Igbo people, who were dissatisfied with mission church spirituality. Yoruba immigrants or Igbo who had lived in the West introduced them, and they were more successful in urban areas such as Aba and Owerri, where there were a large proportion of non-indigenes. Rural areas were usually more resistant to innovations.

The first to arrive was the Cherubim and Seraphim Society, introduced in 1944 by a Yoruba woman called Deborah Phillips. The Christ Apostolic Church followed in 1947, and the

Church of the Lord (Aladura) in 1956. Their initial unpopularity was partly due to their roots in Yoruba culture and domination by non-indigenes. However, as with other prayer houses it was also due to Igbo loyalty to the mission churches.