Example of Jupyter notebook for Simple Figures Clustering and Classification

As the discussion of the complex and intertwined process and relationships of globalisation and migration and the discussion of space and place unfold in the next few chapters, the following broad and basic questions serve as an organisational structure for the thesis and guideposts in the journey I undertook as an anthropologist into the world of Filipino migrant domestic workers and their activism:

1) Who are they? Why are they in Hong Kong?

2) Why are they in Central every Sunday? What exactly are they fighting for?

3) What is Central about?

4) What do they do in Central every Sunday? Why is it important to them?

5) Why has coming together in Central on Sundays made a difference?

Chapter two paves the way for further discussion in the subsequent chapters by answering the questions of ‘why are these Filipino women, many of them overqualified, working as domestic workers in Hong Kong’ in the globalisation context of the convergence of circuits of people movement in global cities. It also discusses the role that the Philippines state, recruitment agencies, and the women themselves play in developing and sustaining the circuit of women to Hong Kong and the common issues faced by these

women in the processes. It introduces the main plight that many of these Filipino migrant workers face and the journeys some of them have taken to realise that they had to make changes by fighting for their own rights. It is also about some of the activists’ initiation into political activism.

Chapter three then situates the language of rights deployed by the network of transnational migrant workers’ movements in Hong Kong in relation to the legal framework in Hong Kong and to the unenforceability of the human rights regime in practice. This chapter aims to examine how the language of rights is being used to bring the plight of the migrant workers to the attention of the public and how successful (or not) they are in constructing a public that is sympathetic to their cause. This chapter links universal human rights to the specific problems faced by the migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong. It also paves the way for the central argument of this thesis, which is that through the migrant workers’ presence in the physical space of Central their problems are made visible and it is in the physical space of Central that their collective subjectivity, which underpins the transnational migrant workers’ movement, is formed. And it is only through their fighting for their rights in the physical space of Central that the space is public.

Chapter four moves on to the discussion of Central as a place. It contrasts the dominant narrative of Central as the space of global capital and of consumerist spectacle with the many protests organised by the migrant domestic workers that also take place in Central. This chapter paints Central as a contested terrain – which opens up spaces for an alternative understanding to the dominant narrative of Central. By adopting the methodology of a phenomenological walk to describe the three different marches in which I participated, I examine the ambiguous power of the police in relation to the protesters, and how the seemingly open and liberal governance of the Hong Kong police changed its attitude when a more threatening crowd took to the streets on the 17th anniversary of the handover of Hong Kong back to Chinese sovereignty.

Chapter five examines the spatial practices of and tactics deployed by the Filipino progressive community to adapt to the changes in the landscapes of Central and reveals the nuanced social relationships and contestation of spaces amongst the members of the Filipino community. By looking at their ‘off-stage’ experiences in producing cultural performances, which are common features of Central on Sundays, and their encounters with the representatives of the authorities in this process, I adopt the analytical frame of rhythmanalysis to examine the tensions that arise between the dominant abstract space and the often marginalised lived space. I discuss the negotiations that took place between various social actors and the creative alternative ways of appropriating spaces that are used by the Filipino migrant workers to illustrate that the domination of abstract space is not absolute. Alternative social relations emerge in the cracks of the abstract space, overcoming the fragmentation, tendency to homogenise and emphasis on exchange values that are the characterisation of abstract space and these alternatives - the ‘extra-everyday’ that arises out of the linear and cyclical repetition of everyday life is the beginning of something hopeful – of alternative social relations that form the basis of a Filipino progressive community in Hong Kong, which I illustrated with the case of the organised relief efforts in response to the aftermath of typhoon Yolanda, which swept through the Philippines in November 2014. Landscape in this case, i.e. the Central on Sundays, is constantly being reenacted and renegotiated between the lived and the abstract and contested among the different members of the Filipino community.

In chapter six, by engaging in an ethnographic portrayal of the transnational migrants movement through describing the development of NGOs, the grassroots organisations and individuals (the majority of them are migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong) that come to be involved in the movement, I attempt to paint a picture of the complex and interwoven networks that are constitutive and constituted within the movement and demonstrate the networks' multidirectional and multidimensional growth, which I call ‘rhizomisation’. This growth, however, is not unhindered as

migrants’ support for mass actions differ between the issue-specific campaigns and that of the ‘national ones’ such as human rights violation in the homeland. I also illustrate with the example of mobilisation for mass action for Erwiana (an Indonesian woman who suffered abuse from her employer and subsequently won the case against her employer in Court with the support of the migrants network) that the network of transnational migrant movements is a hybrid space of the urban and the cyber – but this differs from Castells’ idea in that the primacy of the urban is emphasised. Lastly, I argue that the transnational migrants’ movement in Hong Kong is underpinned by what I call ‘practising hope’ – in one’s direct or indirect encounter with injustice in the socio-political structure; in the political awakening that the personal is political; in the identification of oneself as part of a collective and a community - and the success of issue-specific campaigns and the utopian hope for a better future sustain the movement through it.

In the last chapter, I conclude with my major argument that access to public spaces is important for marginalised sections of the society, as in the context of migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong for three major reasons:

as sites of resistance, for the formation of new social relations and the beginning of a new form of politics. I also attempt to extrapolate my argument to discuss how these could be incorporated into the concept of the

‘right to the city’. I also examine the limitations of my research and explore areas for future research in this concluding chapter.

1.5 Methodology

Meeting Dorothy on the street corner of Chater Road was how I started my fieldwork in the Filipino migrant community. After two brief assignments as a photographer for events organised by the community, Dorothy referred me to the Mission for Migrant Workers (Mission for short) and I started to work as a volunteer at the Mission. It is through the network of the Mission that I met my informants. Some of them were volunteers themselves and some of them worked with the Mission or other non-governmental

organisations (NGO) that advocate rights for migrant workers. Many of the insights were gained through working as a volunteer in the Mission in various capacities.

It is also with the help of the Mission that I organised workshops and invited migrant domestic workers to share their stories in Central. The workshops were designed on the one hand for the participants to explore Central through a treasure hunt and on the other hand to tell their own stories in Central through drawings and story-telling. Twenty-five informants participated in the workshops and structural interviews were conducted to understand their routines in Central.

I also participated in many of the activities organised by the community – protest marches, the formation of organisations, anniversary celebrations etc. Many of the informants I met became my friends on Facebook and their continued presence (albeit in cyber space) throughout my writing-up period also helped me to keep up with their latest campaign activities. This proved important, as one of the major events of the migrant domestic workers movement in Hong Kong – the campaigning and mobilisation for Erwiana (more in chapter six) - took place well into my writing-up period. I was never completely cut off from my field. Some of the information I managed to gather was through email interviews after my return to London.

Materials I gathered during my fieldwork such as pamphlets, posters, primer, messages on social media that are shared publicly, newspaper reports, and documents from relevant government departments are also used in the discussion. A lot more of my discussion, however, is based on the interviews with my informants. On top of the twenty-five structured interviews, I also conducted ten long interviews with grassroots leaders and people who work in various NGOs; these interviews lasted for one to two hours. The conversations I had with different informants while hanging out with them on Sundays in Central were recorded in my field notes. For those informants that are on Facebook, we have up to about fifty mutual friends –

this perhaps indicates the size of my network of informants in the field. All of their names have been changed in the thesis except for ones that are already identified in the public domain (newspapers) or as a result of their roles in particular organisations.

Visual technology played an important part in the fieldwork. I was invited to be the photographer for two annual events: the Human Rights Day and International Migrants Day (please refer to chapter four). Through these I was introduced to the community and this paved my entry into the field and made my presence with cameras a non-issue throughout the fieldwork. By showing the photos taken for the events, I was able to gather the views of my informants about participating in protests in Hong Kong (see chapter four). Photography among the Filipino migrant workers is a common practice with the ubiquitous mobile phones that come with the function of a camera. I was often asked to be the photographer for their group photos or to take part in the group photo sessions for their various functions and activities. Photography in the field was an interactive and dynamic process.

I was also invited to take part in a video production project in which collaboration and negotiation with different social actors in the migrant community became incorporated in the process of knowledge production (please refer to chapter three) and reflects upon the diverse approaches by which migrant workers’ situations could be presented and represented.

Visual technologies therefore move beyond being tools and become a methodology through which collaboration, negotiation and interaction with the Filipino migrant community are incorporated in this research project.

Photographs taken during the fieldwork are also important records. They not only provide evidence of the phenomenon on which this thesis focuses, but also represent the spaces and places I attempt to describe in words; they convey what words cannot. Photographs are embedded in the text also with the intent to ‘evoke worlds’ and to situate the migrant workers’ embodied experiences in a specific location. Thus the photographs presented in the

thesis range from the realist to the expressive (Edwards, 1997), depending on the context of the particular discussion. Whilst some photographs embedded in the text are there for an explicit purpose, some are there to

‘evoke worlds’, as an attempt at non-linear representation and to bring the readers closer to the space and place of the particular situation.

Photography is inevitably influenced by the photographer’s thoughts, feelings and preferences and as photographers always work from a specific and individual perspective, the ‘representation of the visual’ is thus argued to be subjective (James & Booth, 2000). Just as it is argued that ethnography and written text are ‘partial truth’ (Clifford, 1986), photography and ‘its fragmenting nature’ do not claim or desire wholeness but instead stress the minutiae. It is in the realisation and full acknowledgement that ‘what looks insignificant to one way of perceiving and thinking maybe singularly significant to another’ (da Silva & Pink, 2004) that this thesis is written.

I do not pretend to be an objective and neutral observer without prejudices and biases. Part of the thesis is about my encounters with the people, the spaces of their social construction and my presence in them. It is in short, a personal journey through a landscape socially constructed by the migrant workers’ movement network in Hong Kong, and hopefully through describing this journey and the encounters I had, I have done justice to the migrant workers, who despite all odds, continue to fight for rights for themselves and others like them.