CAPÍTULO 2. EXCLUSIÓN SOCIAL, POBREZA Y JUVENTUD: UN
2.5. La exclusión social como la antítesis de la ciudadanía
As this research is interdisciplinary and concerned with determining the cultural and social values and uses of heritage, a mixed methods approach is employed. This research engages with both Architecture and Heritage studies, thus, two important sources, Architectural Research Methods (Groat & Wang, 2002) and Heritage Studies, Methods, and Approaches (Sørensen & Carman, 2009), have informed the selection of research methods. In addition, as I am looking at the relationship between people and architectural heritage, this research also benefits from the literature on architectural anthropology research methods.
Following Groat and Wang (2002) and Sørensen and Carman (2009) leads, my research is based on qualitative methods, using ethnographical interviews as one of its approaches. As this research seeks to understand the uses of architectural heritage as a cultural tool within the mediation of human relationships with the built environment and collective memories, – an ethnographic approach is one of most suitable methods. I employ ethnographic methods influenced by
architectural anthropology. This chapter explains the utility of an anthropological architectural and ethnography methods for the research.
As architecture, as outlined in Chapter 2, is comprised of both form and function, an architectural anthropological approach gives me the opportunity to document the actual significance and essence of architectural forms, styles, and functions to people. The various modes of perceiving and reacting to architectural spaces, and the various significances that architecture can have in communication systems – the understanding of non-‐material functions of architecture -‐-‐ is the central concern of the research (Pieper, 1980, p. 5). As Amerlinck argues an anthropological approach to architecture is “anthropologically oriented synchronic and diachronic research on the building activities and processes of construction that produce human settlements, dwellings, and other buildings, and built environments” (Amerlinck, 2001). In other words, this approach documents both architectural spaces and social activities (Pieper, 1980, p. 5). Architectural anthropology provides a systematic framework to understand the relationship between people within small and larger communities. For Rykwert, the “anthropologist enables architects to see how buildings are interpreted and experienced in the past”; moreover, “an anthropology for architecture can provide a corrective lesson about the essential human artifice, the urgency of narrative, and the inescapable but salutary power of myth” (quoted in Amerlinck, 2001, p.10). Such research looks anthropologically at architecture and vice versa (Egenter, 1992). From the standpoint of architecture, architectural anthropology is closely related to the theory of architecture. From the standpoint of anthropology, the term allows us to learn how humans culturally framed space and the environment over time (Egenter, 1992) and how space in return forms our
perception (Lynch, 1960; Rapoport, 1976). In addition, to understand the creation and consqeunce of cultural space, Amerlinck argues that architects should do fieldwork, firsthand observation, and cultural research, and the anthropologist should understand aspects of construction and visual data such as maps, diagrams, graphics, and drawings (Amerlinck, 2001). Through an architectural anthropological approach, the building has not only a visual representation (for example, the design concept, drawing and construction plan), but also its cultural narrative (Amerlinck, 2001, p.12) and meaning for people (Egenter, 1992, p.77). In other words, architectural anthropology works to provide both complete pictures and narratives of the buildings in regards to the relationship between humans and architecture.
Ethnographic approaches emphasize in-‐depth engagement, and a full understanding of a particular setting of the subject being researched, to persuade a wide audience of its human validity, yet it does not aim to provide an explanatory theory that can be applied to many settings like grounded theory (Groat & Wang, 2002, p. 182). The methodology asks for the full immersion the of researcher in a particular context through a reliance on unstructured data, a focus on single case or small number of cases, and data analysis that emphasises the meanings and functions of human actions (Groat & Wang, 2002, pp. 182-‐183). It opens up the opportunity to talk about architecture beyond physical objects and understands buildings beyond planning and construction. Through this opportunity I was able to record the engagement of my respondents with targeted architecture. This engagement, as I have mentioned in chapter 1, is of importance for Smith’s (2006) arguments in relation to heritage that I adopted in this thesis. In addition, an ethnographic approach, which is reliant on participant observation (Groat & Wang,
2002, p. 183), allows me to fully engage and immerse myself in the activities of my respondents.
In short, doing ethnography within the umbrella of architectural anthropology provides me with a better understanding of architectural forms through documentation of architectural designs and styles, and at the same time allows me to understand architectural functions in the ways people use these designs and styles. In addition, as data in architectural anthropology is also presented in the form of narratives and images (Amerlinck, 2001, p. 12).
I am also aware that architectural anthropology is usually used in researching old towns or other ancient architecture. The opportunity offered by this approach to document not only architectural design, but also human uses of this design, is arguably not limited to looking at only ancient material. Examining recent architecture and its meaning in the present may follow the same conceptual framework and methods.
Architectural anthropology, however, in the light of Environmental Behaviour Studies (EBS), has been criticised as failing to engage with the human-‐environment relationship. This critique is important to note in order to minimize the limitations of an architectural anthropology analysis. Rapoport (2001), for example, is not satisfied with architectural anthropology, arguing that it its focus on the built-‐ environment is too narrow. As he notes, people in their daily life do not only interact with built fabrics, but also interact with other environmental contexts. However, for the purpose of this research, which aims to examine the meaning of
certain core architectural places in post-‐disaster contexts, the framework of architectural anthropology will be used.
To support pursuing this anthropological approach, even though I am an architect, I have also received trained in doing qualitative research, especially ethnography and semi-‐structured interviews, at the Aceh Research Training Institute (ARTI) in Banda Aceh, from mid-‐2008 to mid-‐2009, by conducting my own research under the supervision of Prof. Barbara Leigh from the University of Technology Sydney. After finishing this training, in mid-‐2009 to mid-‐2010, I also led another anthropological research project examining the uses of architectural heritage for tourism development in Peunayong, Banda Aceh, funded by the Indonesian Higher Education Board (DIKTI). In addition to this, I have also undertaken twelve credits of courses of Anthropology subjects at the Australian National University in 2011.