Exploración del diseño de una propuesta a largo plazo

According to Giddens et al (2003:537), sects are small, less highly organized (than church) groups of committed believers, usually set up in protest against an established church (or religion). Sects aim at following ―the true way‖. Giddens says that they either try to change the parent society or to withdraw from it into communities of their own (revival). A sect can either be aloof or hostile to the society surrounding it and membership is by a conversion experience (Demerath and Hammond, 1969 and Bainbridge and Stark 1997 in Lindsey and Beach (2001:437). Henslin (2004: 372) points out that in order to appeal to a broader base, the sect shifts some of its doctrines, redefining matters to remove some of the rough edges that created tension between it and the rest of the society.

Most sect members regard the established churches from which they have split as corrupt and / or oppressive (Giddens et al., 2003:540). Giddens states that many sects have few or no officials and all members are regarded as equal participants. Mostly, people are not born into sects, but actively join them in order to further commitments in which they believe in. This then means that membership into a sect is not an ascribed one but is an achieved one (Lindsey & Beach, 2001:437). Since spiritual perfection is a major goal of sects, membership standards are high – a factor that functions to keep membership low. Leaders are charismatic and sects often have one identifiable leader and emphasize a lack of hierarchy.

Sects flourish in religiously pluralistic societies that tolerate them. They most often maintain a judgmental attitude toward non-members who are not part of their exclusive community of believers (Lindsey & Beach 2001:436). The sects, therefore, often shield themselves using a constitution that permits freedom of worship which of course does not stipulate time and venue (Wamue, 2001:465, Kagwanja 2003:40). According to Reed (1972), in joining a sect, younger people may be escaping from a harsh materialistic society and enter into an idealistic lifecycle. Some older people find it hard to make up their minds and wander from one cause to another. Finally, there are those who wrestle with a marital complex and the childhood‘s need for such archetypal figure may persist in later life. Such feelings may subsequently be transferred to ‗the master‘ who then holds sway over him/her. According to Reed, the weaker the individual‘s independence, the more will she/he be tied to the group. This author contends that members who understand group-mechanisms will benefit most as they are selective in picking up the cream of what is given and taking the rest with a grain of salt.

Sects can be classified as religious movements (Giddens et al., 2003:540). In the first phase, a religious movement derives its life and cohesion from a powerful leader- classified by Max Weber as charismatic. These leaders have inspirational qualities capable of capturing the imagination and devotion of a mass of followers – Jesus, Mohammed and Mao Tse-Tung belong here (Giddens et al., 541). Many movements fade away when their leaders die or lose their influence. Wilson (1982) points out that new religious movements (sects) are an out come of rapid social change. Thus, as traditional social norms are disrupted, people search for both explanations and reassurances. Wilson adds that many individuals feel a need to reconnect with their own values of beliefs in the face of instability and uncertainty.

According to Wallis (1984), a new religious movement may appeal to people who feel alienated from mainstream society. The collective, communal approaches of sects and cults can offer support and a sense of belonging. In our current scenario, the youth feel frustrated and alienated by the older generation. They see a dim economic future ahead of them. They fall easy prey to recruitment to sects, vigilantes and gangs.

Accordingly, the Mungiki has taken advantage of the youth‘s frustrations hence luring them to the sect.

2.3.1 Sects, Vigilantes and Gangs in Kenya

From the 1980s, Kenya has experienced a phenomenon of private armies, gangs and vigilantes. The aims of formation of these gangs are varied ranging from politics (private armies), protection of people and their property (vigilantes) and outright criminal activities and extortion (gangs). The private armies are associated with either an individual politician or a group of politicians with similar interests. According to Anderson (2002), Sri-Lanka and the Kuzacha boys were notorious criminal gangs operating in the slums and estates of Mombasa in the 1980s. These gangs also had political overtones. Baghdad Boys was formed in 1991 by a political clique to target political opponents in Nyanza. The Kaya Bombo youth were recruited, trained and organized in Kwale District at the instigation of prominent politicians. This group started the ethnic violence in the run up to the 1997 elections at the Coast. They raided and killed 6 policemen at Likoni police station. Chinkororo and Amachuma were formed by opposing politicians in Kisii. Jeshi la King‘ole was formed by Harun Mwau to counter political aggression in Ukambani.

The Taliban vigilante group was formed by elders in Kariobangi (Nairobi) to protect residents and their property from thugs. The group later started terrorizing and extorting money from the same residents. A militia, "Group of forty" operated as a gang involved in criminal activities in Dandora, Nairobi. A vigilante gang called Kamjeshi fought with Mungiki to control matatus termini in Nairobi but the Mungiki appears to have triumphed (Katumanga, 2005: 514). Unlike the other groups mentioned, Mungiki has outdone all in its formation, organization, objectives, determination, membership and geographical spread. Whereas the other gangs comprise at most a few hundred members, Mungiki at one time claimed to have 1.5 Million members. This included 400,000 females (Wamue, 2001:454; Kagwanja, 2003:34). Unlike the other gangs, Mungiki legitimizes itself as a religious sect; claims that among its membership are senior government officers including the military, the police and members of parliament (MPs). It has clear objectives and aspirations and

has a well defined hierarchy. It has a way of showing unwavering determination to have things go their way. The sect is ferocious when it comes to executing orders and retaliating whenever one of their own or its territory is threatened. Unlike the other gangs, Mungiki adherents are found both in the urban and rural settings (Anderson, 2002:537). Mungiki has given the government nightmares more than any other group due to the ruthlessness of their operations and their unrelenting resolves.

Notably, the Mungiki has its own political wing, the Kenya National Youth Alliance. This means that the sect feels confident enough to venture into the competitive political arena. On a positive note, Kagwanja (2003:37) correctly states that after 1997, Mungiki intensified its moral crusade. It came up with a system to mete out justice to address drunkenness, drug addiction, broken families and prostitution. This crusade was very successful in some slums in Nairobi.

According to Kagwanja, the sect‘s alleged monthly income of Kshs 4.5 Million makes Mungiki the most financially and stable indigenous organization in Kenya. However, due to its anti-Christian and anti-westernization crusade and its campaign towards pre-colonial African cultural practices, it is felt that Mungiki is posed to negate the gains made towards gender equity and equality in access to education. Other sects that have urged followers to embrace traditional values includes Akorino (Kikuyu), Legio Maria (Luo), Dini ya Msambwa (Luhya) and Hema ya Ngai wi Muoyo (Tent of the Living God) (Kikuyu). However, these have been mild and non-combative as compared to Mungiki Sect. This justifies the need to carry out research to find out the extent to which Mungiki activities impede access to quality education by both genders.