4. MATERIAL Y MÉTODO
4.6. Exploración normativa de las prótesis
The domestication of landscapes
Domestication is understood as involving different human actions at distinct levels in the organization of biodiversity, from species population level to the level of ecological communities and landscapes (Clement, 1999). The human management of a particu-lar landscape can, for example, result in a more domesticated environment. Desired outputs of that management include an increase in the occurrence of useful species, an altered demographic structure of species, and increased ecosystem productivity (Clem-ent et al., 2010). Anthropogenic forests fit within domesticated landscapes (Balée, 1989) and we have much evidence of large-scale changes of landscapes in the Amazonian rainforest caused by human management (Fraser et al., 2011). A domesticated land-scape can be understood as a historical, cultural and evolutionary expression of the relationship between people and their environment, occurring at a specific location that is not necessarily natural or pristine (Balée, 2006; Johnson and Hunn, 2010).
Management practices undertaken by traditional people can result in the formation of landscapes units with a particular ecological and cultural identity that is recognized as distinct within a heterogeneous landscape. We can also refer to such units as ‘cultural ecotypes’ (Johnson and Hunn, 2010). They may be a source or reservoir of biodiversity, with many components of cultural significance at landscape, species or genetic levels and may be a source of income leading to the economic recovery of a species. In these cultural landscapes, the species present may exhibit a distinct degree of domestication; perennial species are especially interesting because they may show the effects of individual and/or collective management carried out over a long period of time. Such cultural ecotypes are relevant when designing integrated strategies for the conservation and use of biodiversity, in which we can see a direct relevance to the development of community biodiversity management (CBM) processes that address several components of agrobiodiversity.
Cultural keystone species
Cultural keystone species are those species on which people depend for their live-lihood. They play a unique role in shaping and characterizing the identity of the
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human populations that rely on them. Within the context of a domesticated land-scape, some species are salient, in the sense that they contribute to the ecological structure of the landscape. They may influence the composition and structure of an ecological community as a whole, and are referred to as ‘ecological keystone species’.
In the management of a domesticated landscape, where natural and cultural com-ponents are interconnected, an intricate relationship exists. Cultural keystone species are of greater importance for the functioning of a community than expected by their abundance (Garibaldi and Turner, 2004; Platten and Henfrey, 2009).
Since domesticated landscapes can be spatially structured and biologically diverse, they may be considered complex historical inscriptions, resulting from complex forms of management. Several recent approaches aimed at the conservation of plant genetic resources (PGR) and social development through the sustainable use of agro-biodiversity use a community focus for analysis and action. Some examples of these approaches include: community biodiversity management; community management of natural resources, social and community forestry; community management of wildlife; co-management or cooperatives; buffer-zone management; multi-purpose participatory community projects; and indigenous resource management in commu-nal areas, among others (Kellert et al., 2000).
Domesticated landscapes, cultural keystone species and CBM
In this chapter, we look at those approaches that move beyond the level of diversity at the genetic and species levels, focusing on long-term managed landscapes, with some degree of domestication, as one of the expressions of agrobiodiversity. A link can be made to CBM, which reveals itself as a collective strategy for supporting local govern-ance and promoting community empowerment in the context of conservation and use of biodiversity in domesticated landscapes. Consequently, CBM practices may address or target the conservation and use of landscapes and cultural keystone spe-cies. The overall goal of such efforts may be the continuation or even strengthening of the historical process of managing the landscape, its species and genetic resources.
In Brazil, human ecologists and ethnobotanists have investigated and contributed to CBM processes in which the concept of cultural keystone species is rooted within domesticated landscapes. We are engaged in this type of research at the Laboratory of Human Ecology and Ethnobotany of the Federal University of Santa Catarina, and we share our experience working with these concepts in Paraná, in southern Brazil. The Applied Ethnobotany Laboratory of the Federal Rural University of Pernambuco con-ducts similar interdisciplinary research, but it focuses more on important cultural and economic species. Its experience in carrying out such research in the semi-arid region of north-eastern Brazil is shared in this chapter. In both case studies, we concentrate on aspects where such studies can contribute to the development of CBM approaches.
Faxinal landscapes managed as collective areas in Paraná
Faxinais (plural of faxinal) is the name given to common, shared land in the state of Paraná in southern Brazil, as indicated in Figure 3.2.1 (Chapter 3.2). In general, users
Domestication of landscapes and cultural keystone species in Brazil 147 of faxinais are engaged in silvo-pastoral activities that include the extraction of non-timber forest products and the rearing of animals in open fields. The communities separate their crop fields from the common forest with fences and ditches. Through this collective land use system, forest areas with remnants of the original Araucaria Atlantic Forest are conserved and used.
The people associated with this system are called the faxinalense people. Even though the communities are made up of descendants of European immigrants who arrived over a century ago, as explained by Assis et al. (Chapter 3.2), they are consid-ered traditional people because of the strong connection they have with their natural and biological resources. Their cultural identity is associated with their livelihood and forest use that is governed by consolidated community rules. They extract pin-hão seeds from the araucaria trees (Araucaria angustifolia) and leaves from yerba mate plants (Ilex paraguariensis); both products are primarily commercialized. In addition, community members raise animals (cattle and local pig breeds) in the common areas, where a customary system regulates animal ownership and rearing conditions. This silvo-pastoral system contributes in particular to the maintenance of the landscape, but also to the conservation of populations of araucaria, and even protects the local pig breeds as their collective rearing reduces chances of inbreeding.
The forest areas constitute remnants of the original araucaria Atlantic Forest and are regarded as domesticated landscape units. Araucaria and yerba mate are consid-ered to be cultural keystone species as they characterize the livelihood of the faxinal-ense people. Formal and informal community agreements govern the management of the faxinal, the common forest area. These agreements address the use of the forest area for animal grazing, as well as the extraction of both the pinhão seeds and yerba mate leaves. Reis et al. (Chapter 3.5) describe the system and its practices in more detail, and look at caívas forests in the state of Santa Catarina.
The history of the establishment of the faxinais is closely linked to the management and production of yerba mate. Yerba mate was of great symbolic importance to the indigenous people who originally inhabited the region. It is considered a culturally unique species, used in the preparation of chimarrão tea, a drink of cultural relevance to rural as well as urban people in southern Brazil. The maintenance of the Araucaria Atlantic Forest is ecologically relevant for native yerba mate because of its require-ment for shade, which can only be obtained by maintaining the forest canopy. Fur-thermore, the native populations of yerba mate have been valued as a non-timber forest product (NTFP) and have been traditionally managed by local people in the states of Paraná and Santa Catarina (Reis et al., Chapter 3.5).
The pinheiro (araucaria tree) is a symbol of the region, just as is yerba mate. With its unique structure, the species characterizes this type of Atlantic Forest and its peo-ple. Its seed, the pinhão, is an important food resource and was of vital importance to the indigenous people who inhabited the region before the arrival of the European immigrants. Pinhão is important both for human consumption and livestock feed in the faxinais. Today, it is an important source of income for the faxinalense people; for example, in the faxinal of Bom Retiro, located in the municipality of Pinhão, Paraná, some households depend on the sales of pinhão for up to 70% of their income.
Although no consensus exists on the taxonomic nomenclature of araucaria vari-eties, traditional people identify and recognize varieties in their ethno-taxonomic
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terms. In the faxinal of Bom Retiro, the community identifies at least three ethno-varieties: San Jose, caiová branco (white caiová) and caiová vermelho (red caiová).
The presence of varieties in a tree species with a long life cycle is highly relevant for demarcating particular ares of the araucaria forest that could be viewed as domesti-cated landscape under faxinal management, in which the pinheiro can be considered both a cultural and ecological keystone species.
Currently, the state of Paraná recognizes faxinais in its conservation regime as areas where Araucaria Atlantic Forest is conserved (Löwen-Sahr and Cunha, 2005).
The fact that these areas maintain a biodiversity associated with the livelihoods of the faxinalense people has inspired and created opportunities for the development of CBM strategies that associate landscape conservation and livelihood development while recognizing and sustaining more traditional lifestyles.
Umbuzeiro: a sacred plant from north-eastern Brazil
The umbuzeiro (Spondias tuberosa) is a wild tree species endemic to the semi-arid plains of north-eastern Brazil. It is a small tree about 6 m high, and has a short trunk with a cup-shaped umbrella canopy about 10–15 m in diameter, which provides dense shade. Its shallow roots reach just a metre in depth and have a body (structure) known as xylopodium, locally referred to as batatas de umbu (umbu potatoes), which consists of spongy tissue that stores water, mucilage, glucose, tannin, starch and acids. In times of severe drought, the tubers are eaten. The word umbu is based on the indigenous (Tupi Guarani) word y-mb-u, which loosely translates as ‘tree that gives a drink’.
The fruit of the umbuzeiro is called umbu; its pulp is almost watery when ripe, which makes the fruit very perishable. The fruits are much appreciated by both the people and animals. Goats are particularly fond of umbu and they often accompany local people during harvesting. Umbu is rich in vitamin C and has a characteristic sour taste. As well as being consumed raw, it is also used in culinary preparations, such as ice cream, jellies, jams and umbuzada, which is a delicacy prepared with milk and sugar that is very much appreciated by the people. As an opportunity for income generation, several cooperatives in the region have been set up for the production of such products, and for marketing the products in major urban centres in the country, and possibly even for export to Europe.
Although its distribution covers major parts of the semi-arid savannah or caat-inga biome in north-eastern Brazil, the umbuzeiro grows more abundantly in the dry interior of the states of Pernambuco and Bahia. As in the case of the pinheiro in the south, the umbuzeiro is considered to be more than just a tree: it is a deep expres-sion of the people’s culture and livelihood. People refer to the umbuzeiro as a ‘sacred plant’. This perception is not related to magical-religious or ritualistic aspects of the plant; it relates to the fact that the umbuzeiro flowers and bears fruits during the dry season, making it a source of food and income in times of scarcity. In the heat, it pro-vides people and animals with a place of comfort and shade (Cavalcanti et al., 2000;
Albuquerque and Andrade, 2002). The age of the trees, many of them are known to be older than 100 years, contributes to their sacred status.
In the semi-arid region of Pernambuco (see Figure 3.2.1, Chapter 3.2), we observed local practices that preserve this species and shape the local landscape around it.
Domestication of landscapes and cultural keystone species in Brazil 149 Fruits are principally collected from trees that grow in managed areas as opposed to areas of native vegetation, which is an indication that the local farmers collect fruit from trees that they have known for years. Umbuzeiros in managed lands produce an abundant supply of fruits, which are generally more appreciated by local people. The umbuzeiro is a source of food for both humans and animals, with all its other possible uses having only secondary importance to the community.
Albuquerque and Andrade (2002) observed that while native food sources can serve as important dietary complements as well as sources of subsistence in difficult times, rural communities of the semi-arid north-eastern region of Brazil are gradu-ally changing their lifestyle and associated diet. Despite the abundance of the umbu fruit, and the potential for income generation through the commercialization of the fruits or other umbuzeiro products, our assessment in the region showed that local people have stopped harvesting this resource commercially, because farmers direct their attention almost exclusively to the cultivation of maize and beans, which are widely promoted by rural extension programmes. One of our observations indicates that the knowledge and use of the umbuzeiro is well established but the interest of the some rural communities in this biological resource is diminishing, thereby reducing the strength of their relationship with the landscape and this culturally and economi-cally important species. The umbuzeiro is still used for domestic purposes, but the interest of rural households is diverting away from the species, thereby reducing their cultural and economic appreciation of the domesticated landscape (Lins Neto et al., 2010). With this gradual loss of interest in umbu and its potential use for income generation, the communities lose opportunities to improve the quality of their lives by maintaining the species and its associated landscape. However, it should be rec-ognized that in other areas, as indicated above, several initiatives aim to implement umbu value-addition and marketing activities through cooperative groups. Such ini-tiatives, embedded within a larger framework of CBM, may enhance the relation-ship between communities and the umbuzeiro, in managed and native stands, thus contributing to the conservation of this tree, which is important to the landscape and culture of the people, while supporting local people’s livelihoods.
CBM: opportunities for the conservation of domesticated landscapes
The CBM processes that support the people in the faxinais and semi-arid regions differ from most of the other experiences shared in this book, which target food crops rather than landscapes. Since the collective management of biodiversity is already a way of life for the faxinalense people, the CBM process in the faxinais can be referred to as an endogenous CBM process and structure. Other distinct features include the focus on perennial species and their association with animals (pigs and goats) within landscapes with some degree of domestication, and the fact that the landscapes provide food for subsistence, as well as resources for value addition and commercialization. The faxinal stands out with its sophisticated system of common property management. One critical point that we have learned in both cases is that the domesticated landscape, with its cultural keystone species, creates the boundaries for the CBM processes. Another characteristic that distinguishes these CBM cases
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from others that are associated with annual crops is that communities manage their biodiversity at landscape level over a long period of time, and so the association cov-ers multiple generations.
We have learned from these experiences that individual perennial species, such as the araucaria, yerba mate and the umbuzeiro, which are of important cultural and economic value, are also vital for sustaining the community’s interest in the landscape as an expression of their identity as traditional people or communities. As such, we find working with agrobiodiversity at the landscape management level ideal condi-tions for working with CBM, combining the conservation of genetic resources with the enhancement of social and cultural capital for livelihood development.