III. RESULTADOS Y DISCUSIÓN
3. EXPRESIÓN DEL RECEPTOR CANNABINOIDE CB 1 EN CÉLULAS
Strong Far-right PresenceThis was measured by the percent of the popular vote going to a party that has opposition to immigration as one of its main platforms in the national election preceding the fielding of the ESS questionnaire. Information about party platforms was generally obtained from multiple online election resources, as well as annual reviews of elections in theEuropean Journal of Political Research. The full list of far-right parties and percentages of votes received in the year before the ESS fieldwork in each country and each round is available from the author, as is the full list of sources used.
Social Welfare ProtectionThis is measured by the total expenditure on social protection per head of population in ecu/euro, in the year before each of the rounds of the ESS
survey. Data are available from
http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/portal/page/portal/social_protection/data/main_tables.
Level 3 Variables
Long-Term History of ImmigrationAs noted in footnote 27, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland are given a code of 0 for this analysis and all other countries are given a code of 1.
Quality of GovernanceTo measure overall quality of governance, the analysis relies on the World Bank Governance Indicators, which are based on surveys of household and firm respondents, experts working in the private sector, NGOs and public sector agencies.55Kaufmann, Kraay and Mastruzzi define governance
as the traditions and institutions by which authority in a country is exercised. This includes the process by which governments are selected, monitored and replaced; the capacity of the government to effectively formulate and implement sound policies; and the respect of citizens and the state for the institutions that govern economic and social interactions among them.56
There are six indicators of governance which are strongly correlated with one another, with a minimum Pearson’s r of 0.60 for the period analyzed in this paper, with an average inter-item correlation of 0.80 and Cronbach’s alpha of 0.94 and all items load onto a single factor in a principal components analysis. The six indicators are thus combined by taking the average score across all six for each country and each year. Note that
Rohrschneider has conducted extensive validation of several components of this index and found them to be related to Transparency International corruption perception scores,
with the number of European Court of Human Rights judgments against a country, and with public perceptions of the conduct of elections in a country.57
Economic conditionsGDP/Capita, measured using the average OECD GDP/capita as the base is available fromhttp://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=NAG, and
Unemployment rate in the year before the survey were both obtained from the OECD, available at
http://titania.sourceoecd.org/vl=3262696/cl=11/nw=1/rpsv/factbook2009/06/02/01/index. htm.
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Footnotes
1Ivarsflaten 2008. 2
Howard 2010
3
Scholz and Lubell 1998; Scholz and Pinney 1995; Levi and Stoker 2000; Braithwaite and Levi 1998; Hetherington 1998; Marien and Hooghe 2011; Letki 2006.
4
Bianco 1994; Mishler and Rose 1997, 2001; Braithwaite and Levi 1998.
5
Levi 1998; Brennan 1998; Pettit 1998.
6
Miller and Listhaug 1990, 358.
7
Easton 1957, 1965; this is similar to Almond and Verba’s (1963) notion of affective support.
8
This very question, of course, sparked a debate in the 1970s over how to interpret increasing levels of expressions of distrust in politics in the U.S. See Arthur Miller 1974a, 1974b and Citrin 1974.
9
Dalton 2004, 58-60; Klingemann 1999.
10
Anderson 1991; Gellner 1983; Hobsbawm 1992.
11
Smith 1991, 61.
12
Schulman 2002.
It must be recognized that many European countries were already multicultural states before large-scale immigration began after World War II. Countries like Spain and Britain in particular are argued to be multicultural (or multinational). However, this does not necessarily mean that the state-building process and the attempt to build common state identity failed in countries like these. For instance, when asked how close they feel to their country, 91 per cent of survey respondents in Spain claim to feel close (i.e., to
Spain); moreover, a clear majority in every region of Spain claims to feel close to Spain, including the Basque Country and Catalonia (see the 2003 International Social Survey Programme; results were similar for the 1995 ISSP; both available at
http://zacat.gesis.org/webview/index.jsp, last accessed 9 December 2010). In addition, in the 1995 ISSP, approximately 84 per cent of Spanish survey respondents felt that it is essential for their country to remain as one country rather than allow certain regions to separate. Not surprisingly, however, 50 per cent of the Basque sample believed that regions wanting separation should be allowed to leave the country, and approximately 40 per cent in Catalonia also felt this way. On the whole, though, it appears that the vast majority of the Spanish population is supportive of a unified Spanish state, and ISSP data also indicate a high level of national pride in Spain. With regard to Great Britain, it must be noted that the apparent increase in Welsh and Scottish identity and growing demands from Scotland for separation after World War II called into question the degree to which “Britishness” has “stuck,” but such demands may have been connected to extraordinary dissatisfaction and unease with Thatcherite policies in the 1980s in particular and the prior discovery of North Sea oil, and the clamoring for separation appears to have been reduced in the post-Thatcher era (although the Scottish National Party continues to promise a referendum on membership of the UK). While the results of public opinion polls on separatism in Scotland are very dependent on question wording, it appears that a majority of Scots would prefer to stay in the UK but with greater devolved powers for Scotland (see, for instance, ‘How SNP could win and lose at the same time’, The Times, 20 April 2007; ‘Do the Scots support independence?’, Channel 4. 18 January 2007; http://www.channel4.com/news/articles/politics/domestic_politics/factcheck+do+the+sco
ts+support+independence/251043; http://thescotsman.scotsman.com/politics/Pressure-on- parties--to.5415942.jp, accessed 7 July 2009; see alsohttp://www.ipsos-
mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/poll.aspx?oItemId=2706, accessed 25 July 2011, for more recent poll results). Supporting evidence from the British Election Study of 2005 indicates that only 32 per cent of respondents living in Scotland claimed to identify as Scottish only, with other respondents acknowledging some degree of British identity; in Wales this figure is only 16 per cent (author’s own analyses). Thus the
majority of people living in Britain today appear to claim some degree of common British identity.
13
Tajfel 1970; Turner 1982, 1985; Turner et al. 1987, 1994.
14
Sniderman, Hagendoorn and Prior 2004; Quillian 1995; Fetzer 2000.
15
Huysmans 1995, 60.
16
Anti-immigration sentiment is, of course, not limited to the European context, and can be seen in countries like the U.S. and Australia as well. However, it is not immediately clear as to whether concern about immigration in these countries would translate into reduced political trust. Given the differences between European countries and the U.S. and Australia, in terms of national identity and construction of the modern nation-state, analyzing the connection between concern about immigration and political trust in the latter contexts is beyond the scope of this paper.
17
Easton 1957, 391; Rustow 1970; Miller 2006.
18
Putnam 2007; Anderson and Paskeviciute 2006; Alesina and La Ferrara 2000; Costa and Kahn 2003; Stolle, Soroka and Johnston 2008; Letki 2008; Hooghe et al. 2009; Sturgis et al. 2011.
19
Gilens 1999; Habyarimana et al. 2007.
20
e.g., Smith 1991.
21
Sniderman, Hagendoorn and Prior 2004; Lahav 2004; Ivarsflaten 2005; Gibson 2002; Fetzer 2000; Espenshade and Calhoun 1993.
22
See McLaren forthcoming.
23
Hollifield 1997; Castles and Miller 2009.
24
Semyonov, Raijman, and Gorodzeisky 2006; Sides and Citrin 2007.
25
It might be expected that the relationship would be the opposite of what is being hypothesized here because long-term immigration countries will contain citizens who have had more opportunity for contact with immigrants. Although the opportunity for contact must, of course, be present for contact to occur, such opportunity does not