Factores psicosociales del estrés laboral

As ritual plays a crucial part in nanyin performance, nanyin ritual musical activities act as one way to realize collective identity. Analysing ritual music in Chinese contexts, Bell Yung asserts that ritual music, as “a medium for heaven-earth communication, a kind of aural corridor linking the past to the present” (Yung, Raswki and Watson 1996:5), has the power to express emotion, memory and other complex sentiments. This is seen in the biannual ritual of si Langjun and si xianxian, whose bipartite name signifies worship of both the nanyin deity Langjun and the late masters of the nanyin societies. Within the Chinese ritual framework, DeWoskin claims, “the music of the sacrifice linked grateful descendants to the spirits of their ancestors” (1982:30). The ritual is intended to refresh the musicians’ memory of their musical ancestry and at the same time raise their awareness of the genre’s musical heritage. In this section, I examine how the nanyin ritual of si Langjun creates a group identity through performativity and symbolization.

In the sphere of nanyin tradition, the biannual ritual of nanyin deity worship, si Langjun 祀郎君 or Langjunji 郎君祭 [to offer sacrificial worship to Langjun] is of paramount importance. Through reflections and the philosophical concepts embedded in the ritual, social collective identity and solidarity are realised and represented through the participation of several groups of nanyin musicians. Musical worship of this nanyin deity can be emblematic of virtual integrity and hierarchical implications.

Collective identity in worship: Si Langjun 祀郎君

In southern Fujian, each performing art in the region worships its own patron deity;

for example, Tian Duyuanshuai 田都元帅 is the patron saint of muouxi [string puppets]

(Ruizendaal 2006). The original name of the nanyin patron saint is Mengchang 孟昶, ruler of a small kingdom, Houshu 后蜀, located in present-day Sichuan, central China.

Langjun 郎君 was a court title conferred upon him by the Emperor of Song to whom Mengchang surrendered after being defeated.⁶² Mengchang and his wife were known for their musical and poetic talent and were well loved by their people. It is commonly said that Mengchang was made patron deity for nanyin by nostalgic musicians from Houshu who wanted to retain a connection to their home culture after emigrating to the southeast.

Before the 1950s, worship of a patron deity was practised as an admission ceremony in the nanyin master/disciple learning system. This kind of deity worship in musical contexts is not unique to China. For a neophyte of the Zimbabwean mbira, for example, a ritual initiation is necessary as a gesture of respect and gratitude to the music ancestral deity or spirits: the Shona people believe that the divinity “would pave the way and guide [the teacher] in teaching ... the spirits can encourage both the student and the teacher in the learning process” (Berliner 1993:137-8). Many nanyin societies in southern Fujian today still commonly offer incense sticks to Langjun in their weekly gatherings. Faith grows out of such regular and repetitive rituals, and nanyin aficionados feel that Langjun is always there to protect and look after them.

62 Langjun was originally a court title for high officials during Tang and Song dynasty. The metropolitan scholars, jinshi 进士, who had passed the court examination, were also conferred upon as an honour with this title by the imperial court (Sun Xinqun 1996:7). The legend of nanyin deity can be found in Yeh 1985;

Wang Ying-fen1986; Chou Chiener 2001; Chen Yanting 2008; Zheng Guoquan 2009.

The nanyin music offering marks the climax of the si Langjun ritual. The celebrations are traditionally held at the spring and autumnal equinoxes. Chunji 春祭 [the spring ritual] is celebrated on the 12^th day of the second lunar month, which is also believed to be Langjun’s birthday, and the qiuji 秋祭 [autumn ritual] held on the 12^th day of the eighth lunar month is to commemorate his death anniversary. Si Langjun is immediately followed by the ritual of si xianxian 祀先贤 [worshipping the ancestral masters of the Society] in the premises of an individual nanyin society and attended by the society members and their guests.

The nanyin musicians please their deity through praise-reading and music. The reading is in rhymed verses read out by two ritualists whilst background music is played.

The ritualists are expected to be respected educated individuals who are familar with the rites. Then a vocalist backed by the standard shangsiguan ensemble sings nanyin lyrics extolling the deity’s virtue and musical attainments. The songs commonly chosen are:

Huatung caijie 畫堂彩结 [colourful gallery] in F mode (Score 8) for the spring ritual, and Jinlu baozhuan 金炉宝篆 [gold and precious incense burner] in G (Score 9) for the autumn ritual. Both sets of lyrics are intended for auspicious occasions and express the ideal of longevity and happiness through the delineation of jubilations in birthday celebrations; these are therefore also popular songs for birthday celebrations of the elderly.

Music for this celebratory event follows the performance structure pu-qu-pu (instrumental-vocal-instrument); the zhi suite is not included. Since a virtuoso performance is a tribute to please the patron deity, highly skilled musicians are chosen to play.

Social interactions

In Why Suyá Sing, Anthony Seeger asserts that “music is part of the very construction and interpretation of social and conceptual relationships and processes…. The Suyá lend themselves to a musical anthropology because central parts of their social life are constituted through ceremonies and musical performances” (2004: xiv). As a musical ritual, si Langjun represents a symbolic social life of music; it emphasizes the ritual process and performativity while providing an arena for nanyin music-making and its role in creating cultural and social life in several aspects.

Si Langjun is considered an auspicious event. Thus, in addition to the biannual rituals, nanyin practitioners may combine it with other celebrations such as the anniversary of a nanyin society. On 30 September 2009, Anhai Yasong Nanyin Society in Jinjiang (established in 1907) celebrated the inauguration of their new Society building and the reunion of their locally formed wushe lianyi 五社联谊 [Five Affiliated Nanyin Societies]

with the performance of si Langjun (DVD-2).

Nanyin musicians call each other xianyou 弦友 [friends of the strings]. The close relationship between them that grew over the years is generally well sustained and passed on through generations. Many of the Minnan nanyin societies are affiliated with local and overseas nanyin societies; they form a large transnational force in which members develop bonds of respect, duty and friendship. They call each other jiemeishe 姐妹社 [sister societies] and exchange visits annually on occasions such as si Langjun. These interactions forge the exchange and interflow of performance skill by creating learning channels for Minnanese musicians to broaden their view as to how nanyin is being modernized and practised in the diaspora; likewise, the overseas nanyin musicians are exposed to various interpretive styles in Minnan, which they might not have learnt from their teachers in their countries of residence.

In the past, sacrificial rituals with dishes of cooked pork and poultry held in spring and autumn were followed by lunch feasts for the attending musicians and guests.

Nowadays with the economy booming and the wealth of the people, such celebrations also have functional objectives: the lunch/dinner banquet serves as a means of reciprocity to the benefactors of the Society, helping also to strengthen relationships with local authorities. It further aims to reinforce kinship ties within the community and to provide a platform for gathering, socialising, exchanging of performance techniques and updating of news in the nanyin world.

Ethical and hierarchical implications

A philosophical foundation which nanyin societies uphold is the Confucian virtue of zunshi zhongdao 尊师重道 [respecting teachers and revering saints]. This is exemplified by their Langjun deity worship. Langjun is deified as the highest genealogical forebear of masters, and the biannual ritual of si Langjun and si xianxian is held to remind musicians

of the sense of community stretching back in time, and to commemorate the late masters with gratitude just as filial duty is upheld in a familial system.

The centrality of worship in si Langjun is an interaction through music between nanyin practitioners and their deity in the realm of spatial and temporal organisation. The ritual contributes to the social identity of a group through performativity. The nanyin circle advocates the teaching of Confucian ethics, and the dynamics of musical production as epitomised by si Langjun interprets and constructs the social relations among the nanyin societies reflected through the exchange visits.

The symbolism in si Langjun is another aspect of manifestation of group identity. Si Langjun is emblematic of and articulates the unity of an imaginary community. The musical performances create harmony, cohesion and solidarity, as proudly agreed by all nanyin musicians.