Factores socioeconómicos

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Finally, there are dynamics (i.e. the fluctuations in the price of hydrocarbons) that - while potentially relevant to rural transformation processes in a broad sense - are not discussed at all in this work. The reason behind this choice is that they do not contribute in any clearly identifiable way to generating or altering agrobiodiversity-migration connections in the specific study area. Although I explored such factors during the phases of literature review and research design, in the course of the writing process I opted for not engaging with them because I could not identify a causal role in shaping agrobiodiversity-migration connections.

3.3.2 The fieldwork

My fieldwork took place between August 2012 and September 2013 in Bolivia, department of La Paz. I collected qualitative and quantitative data in the rural communities presented in 2.2.2 - Cachilaya, Coromata and Okola - and in the cities of La Paz and El Alto.

Table 3.1 summarises the time structure of my fieldwork. The climatic and agricultural calendar of the region played an important role in activities’ planning and implementation. In the Altiplano Norte, overall, winter - the dry season (época seca) - begins in June and finishes in October, while summer - the wet season (época húmeda) - begins in November and finishes in May. Farmers sow their crops between September and November and harvest them between March and May. However, the beginning of the crop year - marked by the first sowing sessions - and its duration change within these timeframes, according to altitude and proximity with Lake Titicaca. For example, in Okola, the community with the mildest climate amongst the three, crops are sown and harvested slightly earlier than in the other two. When I visited this village in early March 2013, farmers had already begun the harvesting in their fields on the lakeshore. In Cachilaya and Coromata, instead, they did not do so until mid-April.

The weather and the agricultural calendar are crucial elements to take into account in structuring fieldwork in a rural setting, as different moments of the year correspond to specific activities carried out by the farmers. Temporary/seasonal migration and permanent migrants’

mobility also take place according to them. I adapted my data collection work (in terms of information sought, timing, and methods used) to the availability of the farmers and their work commitments in agriculture and other livelihoods. For example, moved by the intention to participate whenever possible in the sowing and harvesting moments together with the farmers, I devoted most time during relevant periods to participant observation and interviews concerning agrobiodiversity conservation in rural villages. I concentrated, instead, my data collection work on - broadly speaking - migration, urban life and young people’s aspirations in the moments in which farmers were more willing to sit down and rest, and engage in

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conversations on these matters (i.e. the dry season, when their work in the fields was less intense).

It is also worth mentioning that farmers’ readiness and capability to speak about the agricultural varieties that they owned varied according to the moment of the crop year in which they were approached. During an interview if seeds were in front of their eyes, they were more likely to respond accurately to questions about them. I provide more details about farmers’ knowledge with relation to different crop year moments (sowing, flowering, harvesting and post-harvest phase) further below in this section and in 5.4.2.

During my stay in Bolivia I had the fortune of relying on the support of different people and institutions. Those that shaped and enriched my fieldwork the most are the Fundación PROINPA (Promoción e Investigación de Productos Andinos), “Oficina Regional Altiplano”, and my research assistants from Irfoss (Istituto di Ricerca e Formazione nelle Scienze Sociali).

PROINPA was my first contact in La Paz and main entry point for my fieldwork in the Altiplano communities. Although I gradually developed a personal relationship with farmers, and visited on my own many times the three villages where I worked, the support of PROINPA staff was essential throughout my whole fieldwork experience, and especially at its initial stage.

As mentioned in 2.2.2, the rural sites where I carried out most data collection work were chosen out of a series of communities in which PROINPA was or had been active. Due to time constraints and to the technical nature of some of the information I needed to gather (i.e.

specific data about species and varieties conserved in smallholders’ farms, or Aymara producers’ agricultural practices), the introduction and the support of an organisation like PROINPA - respected and well-considered amongst Altiplano farmers, and with a four-decade-long experience in agrobiodiversity conservation - was extremely important. PROINPA scientists supplied me with crucial information and gave me access to useful resources; they facilitated my work in the field by assisting me in interviews and focus groups; they helped me to gain farmers’ trust and to communicate with those amongst them who did not speak Castellano, by translating for me into and from the indigenous language Aymara; they introduced me to researchers and scientists’ networks.

My close relationship with them did not come without consequences. As I explain below their collaboration in my research inevitably generated - in some occasions - biases and limitations to the objectivity of my work. All in all, though, I cannot but be extremely grateful to the people who patiently contributed to a successful implementation of my data collection

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activities in a context with which - unlike me, at least at the beginning - they had deeply-rooted familiarity.

At the time of my fieldwork, in Cachilaya and Coromata, PROINPA was implementing 1) a project on the conservation of neglected and underutilised species in a situation of climatic change (“IFAD NUS”, third phase, funded by IFAD and coordinated by Bioversity International);

2) a project fostering the sustainable use of native crops and smallholder farmers’ market participation (“Andescrop”, funded by DANIDA, the Danish International Development Agency); and 3) a project on native potato varieties’ conservation (funded by FONTAGRO - Fondo Regional de Tecnología Agropecuaria). In 2012-2013 the activities carried out by PROINPA scientists in these communities - to which I often participated - were part of these projects.

In the framework of the “Workshop of Visual Anthropology and Field Research, Bolivia 2013”, Irfoss, an Italian institute promoting research and training in the social sciences, provided me with the support of 11 research assistants. They were Bachelor and Master’s students of different social science disciplines from five Italian universities. In 2012 I was the winner of a competition for university teachers and researchers launched by Irfoss²⁹. As a result, I was involved in the preparation and implementation of this workshop, which had at its centre my PhD research project. I was the workshop’s research coordinator and one of the teachers, alongside an anthropologist specialised in visual data collection techniques³⁰. The students selected as participants travelled to Bolivia at the beginning of April 2013 and spent a month there.

- The first week in La Paz, to get used to the Altiplano’s altitude, climate, and way of living, and to familiarise with the research topic on the ground. Together we attended a series of meetings and conferences in the city (as table 3.1 shows).

- A longer period in Okola - chosen as a case study - where they collected data under my supervision using participant observation, semi-structured interviews and focus groups.

We lived on the Titicaca shore as paying guests of the farmers participating in community tourism. Some of the specific activities carried out during our stay in Okola will emerge in the course of this thesis, particularly in 6.4.2 and 7.3.1.

A few clarifications are necessary. Firstly, the selected workshop participants/research assistants were encouraged to familiarise with my research project before travelling to Bolivia.

29 “Bando Docenti e Ricercatori”, http://www.irfoss.it/bandi-docenti-ricercatori/vincitori/vincitori-2012-2013.

30 For more information about the workshop and relevant activities: http://www.irfoss.it/news/bolivia-2013_workshop_antropologia_visuale.

August 2012 Archival research and interviews with scientists and development workers in PROINPA, CARE Bolivia, PROSUCO, Fondo Indígena, UMSA,

- Participant observation and interviews with individual farmers mostly concerning migration;

- Participant observation in workshops and trainings organised by scientists (preparation of compost and fertisol);

- Focus group in Cachilaya.

Interviews with scientists in La Paz and El Alto.

Participation in the workshop “Classifying levels of wellbeing in a rural community” in PROINPA.

October 2012 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Participant observation in crop sowing sessions;

- Participant observation in workshops and training sessions organised by scientists;

- Interviews with individual farmers.

Participant observation during the gastronomic fair “Tambo” held in La Paz.

Participation in a workshop on community management of on-farm agrobiodiversity in CARE Bolivia.

November 2012 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Participant observation in crop sowing sessions;

- Participant observation in workshops and training sessions held by scientists;

- Sowing of community seed bank and demonstration plots.

First visit to Okola.

Participation in the celebrations of the anniversary of the province Carabuco together with Okola’s traditional authorities.

Participation in a workshop on agrobiodiversity and climate change in CARE Bolivia.

Participation in the Taller Abierto de Preparación al Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda 2012, organised in Yanacachi, Los Yungas, by

- Participant observation in crop sowing sessions;

- Participant observation in workshops and training sessions held by scientists (pest control);

- Focus group in Coromata;

- Interviews with individual farmers.

January 2013 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Regular visits and longer stays in both communities;

participation in community life; interviews with individual farmers;

- Participant observation in the affiliation campaign of the agronomic insurance agency PROFIN (Fundación para el Desarrollo Productivo y Financiero).

Okola:

- Participant observation during festive events; informal conversations with farmers.

Collection of material from the municipalities’ offices (Batallas, Huarina, Carabuco).

February 2013 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Regular visits and longer stays in both communities;

participation in community life; interviews with individual farmers; participation in emergency harvesting sessions.

- Structured survey through PROINPA’s questionnaire (see next section);

- Focus groups.

Participation in the Annual Meeting of the IFAD NUS project in La Paz.

March 2013 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Regular visits and longer stays in both communities;

participation in community life; interviews with individual farmers. Preparation and celebration of the Día de Campo (“Field Day”), organised by farmers and scientists in Cachilaya (5.3.1); participation in emergency harvesting sessions.

- Structured survey through PROINPA’s questionnaire.

Okola:

- Regular visits and overnight stays in preparation of the visit of the Irfoss team.

April 2013 The following activities involved the 11 Irfoss research assistants and took place in the framework of the “Workshop of Visual Anthropology and Field Research. Bolivia 2013” (2-24 April 2013).

- Participant observation and interviews;

- Participation in harvesting sessions;

- Focus groups and workshops with schoolchildren.

I performed the following activities individually, before the arrival and after the departure of the Irfoss students.

Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Participant observation in harvesting sessions and in community meetings.

Visit to the laboratories of INIAF (Instituto Nacional de Innovación Tecnológica Agropecuaria y Forestal), the Estación Experimental Toralapa, and the laboratories of PROINPA in the department of Cochabamba, together with a group of custodian farmers from Cachilaya and Coromata.

May 2013 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Participant observation in harvesting sessions;

- Harvesting of community seed bank and demonstration plots;

- Participant observation in the focus groups on agrobiodiversity and climate change organised within the framework of the project “Andescrop Difusión y Comercialización”;

- Structured survey through PROINPA’s questionnaire;

- Participant observation in a cooking workshop organised by PROINPA for farmers.

June 2013 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Participant observation and interviews during the post-harvest phase;

- Structured survey through PROINPA’s questionnaire.

Participation in the Scientific Congress of Quinoa organised by IICA (the Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture) in La Paz.

July 2013 ---

August 2013 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Participant observation and interviews during the post-harvest phase.

Collection of material from PROFIN and the tour operator La Paz on Foot.

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Own elaboration.

In La Paz - after their arrival and prior to the beginning of the fieldwork in Okola - I provided them with an initial induction, in which I informed them of my preliminary findings - based on the data collected in Coromata, Cachilaya and Okola between August 2012 and April 2013. I also explained to them in detail my research objectives and my interests regarding the specific case of Okola.

Secondly, when the fieldwork started, they were provided with training³¹ on the different data collection methods. Every day our time would be divided between research methods and visual anthropology classes and data collection work in the community.

It would be reductive to say that the Irfoss students were mere executors of the fieldwork activities that I organised. Indeed, they worked according to my instructions and respected the timeframe I established and the requests I formulated based on my research objectives and plan. However, they also enriched my fieldwork experience invaluably through not only the data they obtained, but also their contribution in the numerous discussions we had during our stay in Okola. At the end of each working day, we would gather for a debriefing session in which team members - besides reporting on the work done during the day - could share their concerns and personal reflections. Through these debates I had the chance of discussing with my research assistants their views about migration and agrobiodiversity conservation in Okola and their considerations regarding the case study we focused on within the framework of my broader research project.

The workshop participants were invited to keep a diary during their fieldwork. Because of the personal nature of the information I encouraged them to write in their notes, I never asked them to share these with me. However, the discussions I had with them - both individually and in a group setting - allowed me to get a comprehensive coverage of each research assistant’s observations and reflections. During and after my meetings with them I wrote my own notes (referenced in this thesis as “Fieldnotes”), which incorporated, alongside my own observations and considerations, the reflections emerged in these discussions.

31 Our classes took place in the school of Okola, in a room made available to us by the school director in agreement with the junta escolar (school’s committee). Occasionally, though, classes were held outdoors in the community due to practical reasons or because photography and video-making exercises made it necessary.

September 2013 Cachilaya and Coromata:

- Participant observation and interviews during the post-harvest phase;

- Participation in agrobiodiversity fairs.

Own elaboration.

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The Irfoss students also compiled detailed spreadsheets, in which they transferred - arranged by household - the data they collected. Furthermore, because of the visual anthropology component of the Workshop, students were encouraged to perform a series of exercises involving the use of photography and video-making for the collection of primary data. Seven interviews with Okola farmers were filmed and subsequently transcribed. In addition, the group’s fieldwork in the community and interaction with the farmers produced a considerable number of pictures, which were used both for the application of the photo elicitation technique (discussed at the end of this section in the paragraph “Visual techniques”) and for data presentation purposes (for example in this thesis with the permission of the photographers).

There are many other organisations and people I engaged with during my fieldwork, benefitting from their precious support and contribution. Explaining in detail the specific contribution of each one of them would go beyond the scope of this section. However, information about them, the events I attended, and the specific data collection activities I performed in both rural and urban areas can be deduced from table 3.1.

Data collection methods

I used different methods for the collection of qualitative and quantitative data, chosen according to

- the type of data I was seeking;

- the specific moment of my fieldwork;

- the activities that scientists and NGOs carried out in parallel to my work in my fieldwork sites.

Before analysing my use of each method, I will make some preliminary clarifications. While these are necessary for understanding my application of different data collection techniques in the field, they unavoidably anticipate some of the findings that I discuss in detail in the next chapters.

To begin with, I would like to point out that I never considered performing a systematic agronomic monitoring of agrobiodiversity in the three villages where I worked as an essential component of my fieldwork.

Firstly, my focus on connections did not necessarily entail such an undertaking. Although I did seek to obtain precise data on the seeds that farmers owned, my objective was not to compile

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a database of agricultural varieties, but, instead, to explore the linkages and mutual influences between agrobiodiversity conservation practices and use, and the phenomenon of rural-urban migration. The collection of quantitative data on agrobiodiversity (i.e. number of crop varieties in farmers’ plots and their names) was, therefore, mainly intended as an instrumental step in investigating how and why different seeds are conserved by smallholders. These data created a solid basis for my reflections on farmers’ relationship with their seeds vis-à-vis their direct or indirect participation in migration and the transformations occurring in their communities.

Secondly, comparing the trend of agrobiodiversity loss with the trend of rural-urban migration would have restricted my analysis to an assessment of linear causality, which, as explained previously, is reductive within the complex Altiplano Norte research area.

Thirdly, as interesting as comparing the two trends would have been, it would have not been feasible for one individual researcher with limited availability of time to build sets of quantitative data including information about, on one hand, the agricultural varieties that farmers cultivated in their fields, and, on the other hand, their temporary or permanent movement away from rural communities. A series of circumstances - concerning data collection about both agrobiodiversity conservation and migration - would have made that impossible. Describing these circumstances is useful to understand the challenges that I faced during my fieldwork and the reasons that induced me to choose specific information sources and methods.

As far as agrobiodiversity conservation is concerned, the following considerations apply:

1. The range of seeds that farmers own is extremely broad. Farmers’ families can cultivate up to several hundreds of crop varieties in their fields, as Annex 1 shows for a sample of 28 households from Coromata. It is impossible for a single researcher to carry out a detailed investigation of agrobiodiversity in three villages in one year’s time.

2. In order to obtain thorough information about agricultural varieties from interviews with farmers, people must be approached in the harvest or post-harvest phase.

Indigenous producers conserve a large number of seeds, but they sow most of them in a few furrows on a side of each plot (chapter 5). Most of the land is sown with a narrow range of high-yielding varieties. While smallholders can always and fairly easily report on the varieties they have used most of their land for - roughly the same in the whole Altiplano - they are generally unable to tell which ones they have sown in the tiny portions of land reserved to most varieties, unless they have their seeds at hand.

Otherwise, it is extremely difficult for them to provide the names of the agricultural varieties that form their diversity portfolio. Interviews must take place in the harvest

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phase, when farmers take stock of the varieties they have, or in the post-harvest phase, when they can take their seeds out of their storage space and show them to the interviewer. The available time for data collection through interviews is, therefore, relatively short within the crop year.

phase, when farmers take stock of the varieties they have, or in the post-harvest phase, when they can take their seeds out of their storage space and show them to the interviewer. The available time for data collection through interviews is, therefore, relatively short within the crop year.

In document Relación entre los factores socioeconómicos y actitud hacia la minería en pobladores del distrito de Torata, provincia Mariscal Nieto, Moquegua, Perú, 2022. (página 31-36)