Fase de ejecución de la fusión internacional

Gendered expectations and assumptions surrounding work and family have been reflected in research regarding culture and have been significant in encouraging work-family conflict problems for women (Hammer et al., 2011, Thompson et al., 1999). For example, research measuring the negative effects of emotional strain spill- over from domestic and work spheres are significantly more pronounced for women than for men which is explained by stating that women “are likely to have a greater combined work and family workloads than employed fathers” (p.861) because women are “bearing greater responsibility for household demands in the evening than men” (p.861) (Williams and Alliger, 1994). It has been revealed that male entrepreneurs often receive more support from their spouses due to gendered structures supporting

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the breadwinner model (Eddleston and Powell, 2012, Parasuraman et al., 1996, Goffee and Scase, 1985). Men choosing to adopt traditional fatherhood models of provider often have their spouse in place as family caregiver which leads to more financial pressure on the business. This demonstrates the effect of family structures on business strategies (Wolfinger et al., 2009, Orser and Dyke, 2009, Pavalko and Elder, 1993).

The hegemonic assumption that women should bear greater responsibility for household demands creates an expectation that women will maintain home

responsibilities while simultaneously offering researchers a distorted platform of analysis. Psychologically based organisational research has been effective at

formulating the relationships between work and family obligations by demonstrating women’s struggle to cope with gendered assumptions regarding paid and unpaid labour (Gatrell et al., 2013, Keith and Schafer, 1980). It has been observed by

researchers that the positivist tradition in work-life research often assumes that the life part of the equation consists of domestic and family life and neglects non-work factors such as leisure activities, religious affiliation and cultural differences (Özbilgin et al., 2011, Lewis et al., 2007, Eby et al., 2005). Furthermore the positivist tradition seems to be focused on women’s experiences and expectations of domestic life while ignoring recognised social shifts regarding fatherhood (Özbilgin et al., 2011). The inclusion of men in the sociological analysis of work and life has also been limited even though it has been recognised that a growing proportion of men are experiencing difficulties balancing work and family responsibilities (Gatrell et al., 2013, Özbilgin et al., 2011).

Collinson and Hearn (1994) state that men’s “preoccupation with the creation and maintenance of various masculine identities and with the expression of gendered power and status in the workplace” (p.8) reflects traditional hegemonic ideologies that

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are still being promoted by organisations today (Williams et al., 2016, Gatrell et al., 2013, Kossek et al., 2011, Hearn, 2004). However, time-based conflict for men is being recognised as a result of men’s increasing parental obligations which are

highlighted through analysing work-life conflict situations through the eyes of couples and men (Radcliffe and Cassell, 2014, Burke, 1998). Korabik et al. (2008) stated that gender needs to be integrated more into work-life research to reflect the complexities of gendered assumption at work and in the domestic domain. Beck and Beck-

Gernsheim (1995) introduced a shift in sociological perspective of work-life balance literature by introducing the idea that both mothers and fathers may regard the

relationship with their children as their central focus. This parental desire to prioritise relationships with children over career development for both parents demonstrated a shift in social assumptions regarding fathers and fatherhood (Gatrell et al., 2013). However, it has been demonstrated that some fathers are still frustrated by the

lingering effects of traditional fatherhood expectations of the organisations they work for when attempting to undertake a greater allocation of parental duties (Gatrell et al., 2013, Özbilgin et al., 2011, Miller, 2011).

The upward trend of Canadian men choosing to exercise their legal rights to parental leave demonstrates a natural interrelation between men and masculinities, business decision-making, and work-life research. This is because the choices men make while exploring and creating their masculine selves can act as a new platform for work and life decisions that includes the critical analysis of gendered assumptions. Pedulla and Thébaud’s (2015) findings suggest that the majority of young men and women prefer an egalitarian structure to work and family when that option is available. This result maintained itself regardless of their education level; however, women were more likely to opt for an egalitarian relationship structure than men as a

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whole. The interrelation framework between men, masculinities, and work-life decisions can help shed light on why men are less likely to deviate from traditional hegemonic ideologies of masculinity. Friedman’s (2015) conclusion that encouraging a “movement of women into traditionally masculine roles, without comparable movement of men into feminine roles” (p.150) reflects an asymmetrical approach to gender-related change which may be a source of men’s resistance. The binary system of choice between work and the home may be presented as a binary system of choice between being masculine or feminine.

Investigations on the possible influence that the construction and maintenance of masculine identities has on organisational decision-making have been limited to authoritarian masculine practices and bullying (Maier and Messerschmidt, 1998, Collinson and Hearn, 1994). The authoritarian concept of maleness or masculinities affecting the decision-making process was further examined following the space shuttle Challenger disaster in 1986 (Messerschmidt, 1996). However, these research platforms analysed the construction and maintenance of hegemonic masculinities within the confines of power relations in the workplace. Researchers suggest that the focus of research on men and masculinities should shift to include masculine identities construction in the domestic setting to reflect shifting fatherhood ideologies (Gorman- Murray, 2008). Gorman-Murray (2008) state that there are “shifting relationship(s) between masculinity and domesticity” (p.367) and recognise that researching masculinities at the home/work boundary will provide opportunities to contest hegemonic masculinity through ‘masculine domesticities’ and ‘domestic

masculinities’. Masculine domesticities refer to the way in which men’s changing engagements with domesticity can refashion dominant discourses of the home. Domestic masculinities refers to the way in which changing homemaking practices

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have (re)configured masculine identities (Gorman-Murray, 2008). The (re)configuring of masculine identities through domestic masculinities is contradictory to the

traditional methods of building a masculine identy(ies) through work and

organisational cliques identified by Collinson and Hearn (1994). Hearn and Niemistö (2012) identify that hegemonic assumptions regarding men revolve around ‘white, heterosexual, able-bodied and fatherly men’ and that distinction between differing men is based on age, class, sexuality and fatherhood. Using work-family conflict as a discussion point makes it possible to investigate domestic masculinities and draws attention to how men’s identities may be built through both domestic and

organisational means. Investigating decision-making practices of men in organisations without limiting the scope to gendered assumptions of the traditional business models provides an opportunity to demonstrate outside influences, such as fatherhood and domestic ideologies, on entrepreneurial decision-making processes.

Gatrell et al. (2013) state that “mono-disciplinarity within organisational psychology and sociologies of work family practices have perpetuated the embedding of these classes and gendered assumptions within work-life balance research” (p.301). As a result, Gatrell et al. (2013) recommend that three factors need to be considered to correct the continued perpetuation of class and gendered assumptions. These

recommendations are that research needs to embrace and expand the definition of work-life beyond a problematic focus, include the analysis of work-life beyond work- rich parent couples, and embrace transdisciplinary perspectives (Gatrell et al., 2013). Ozbilgin et al. (2011) echo this concern by stating that “failing to offer conceptions of family and other non-work-related involvement that are closer to reality leads to legitimisation, prioritisation and, ultimately, reification of ‘traditional’ forms of family in social and organisational theorisation” (p.178-179). Researchers warn that the

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continued use of gendered and family assumptions in work-life research has created blind spots in the work-family literature which in turn could have some very negative effects on the organisational development of work and family policy (Özbilgin et al., 2011, Swanberg, 2004, Lewis et al., 2007). This leads to the call for an intersectional approach to work-life research. The demand for intersectional research includes opening the definition of family responsibilities to include non-work commitment beyond child rearing responsibilities to more accurately portray life experiences. Furthermore, it has also been stipulated that the hegemonic embeddedness of entrepreneurship needs to be challenged as a matter of radically shifting

entrepreneurial structures that supports a domestic foundation in order to create

opportunities for realigning entrepreneurial goals with domestic goals as a method for reducing work-life conflict (Aldrich and Cliff, 2003). This study of individuals’ work and non-work interactions addresses the need for work-life literature to investigate how an individual’s work and life balance objectives are affected by the context of their particular situation. The approach of including shifting context between an individual’s religious beliefs, access to power, and economic stability will emphasise hegemonic assumptions being used in work-life decisions (Özbilgin et al., 2011).

Work-life balance interaction in a gendered perspective reveals that having control and power related to job autonomy is associated with less time-based conflict; however, this result was only in the case of women (Hofäcker and König, 2013, Duncan and Pettigrew, 2012). Male entrepreneurs tend to have their work-family conflict situations increase with regards to both time and strain-based conflict once they enter into their own business. This is theorized as being the result of hegemonic assumptions (König and Cesinger, 2015, Duncan and Pettigrew, 2012). As a result, women are perceived as being better prepared to balance their economic and personal

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goals (DeMartino and Barbato, 2003, Parasuraman et al., 1996). König and Cesinger (2015) found that strain-based conflict for women was significantly lowered once they reached an age where they are likely to become emptynesters. Traditional gendered norms and hegemonic assumptions put the responsibility of work-life balance on women when children are present as they are seen as the main organisers of childcare (Byron, 2005). Researchers recognise that new organisational work-life policies are ineffective at changing trends in men’s work-life balance decisions because of competing assumed hegemonic ideologies concerning work and building distinction. Some men still resort to traditional methods for building their identities such as using feats of strength, stamina and devotion to work to gain distinction amongst their peers (Kellogg, 2011, Blair-Loy and Wharton, 2004, Hochschild, 1997). The process of building distinction is framed as a contest where the rules are dictated around written and unwritten business policies. Kellogg (2011) highlights how distinction processes of resident surgeons in the United States were built from demonstrating an ability to stay focused in surgery even after 24 hour shifts. However, it was also demonstrated that distinction contest rules are able to evolve in response to changes to

organisational policies. Kellogg (2011) reveal that distinction contest rules for surgeons adapted from a demonstration of stamina to a demonstration of efficiency under an organisational policy limiting the maximum working hours of surgeons.

The adaptation of traditional hegemonic platforms of distinction such as stamina demonstrates many complexities and contradictions in the perceived shifts in fatherhood ideologies. Hearn and Niemistö (2012) conclude that highly progressive childcare legislation in many Nordic countries are susceptible to men’s hegemonic resistance to this attempt to fundamentally change power relations between domestic and nondomestic labour. Hearn and Niemistö (2012) believe that a ‘strong state

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childcare provision can be a means of spreading childcare more widely among

women’ instead of fundamentally shifting men’s distinction processes. Williams et al. (2016) believe that the examination of identities and masculine selves is the way to connect sociological research concerning social structures and psychological research regarding managerial behavior. This thesis uses the distinction aspect within the hegemony of men to highlight men’s work-life balance and entrepreneurial decisions as a means to investigate the possibility of men’s resistance to change in power relations around domestic and nondomestic labour.