La fenomenología

group he belongs to. Alternately, he or she may undergo a slow, frequently painful process of transition from one identity to another. Often, this difficulty manifests itself in outright rejection of the need or relevance of any form of ethnic identity. When this occurs, this

"marginal" identification may be included in the category of "weak" identification.

Such marginality in the realm of ethnic self-identification may stem from various factors. According to Shul'ha (who based his

conclusions on research conducted by the Institute of Sociology of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences) mixed parentage is the most important of these factors. However, personal or social circumstances may mimic the effect of mixed parentage on an individual's self- identification. As mentioned in Chapter III, an immigrant or a member of an ethnic

minority (as demonstrated by Hutnik) may also have a marginal identity, as he or she undergoes the process of adaptation to a new society or c u l t u r e . I n the case of Southern and Eastern Ukraine the dominance of the Russian language, and other aspects of Russian culture may also contribute to a state of ethnic marginality among individuals, including those who do not have mixed ethnic heritage. This is because the tension between Ukrainian heritage and Russian ethnic markers (i.e. language, etc.) draws the individual's allegiances in different directions in the same way that mixed parentage does. People who speak a common language are often united by the very fact that they do; they are bonded in a

"speech fellowship," as language expresses the experiences and values of

The concept “marginal identity” was first used in 1928 by R. Park to describe the disorientation experienced by migrants. R. Park, “Human Migration and the Marginal Man,” American Journal of Sociology, 33,

a c u l t u r e . L a n g u a g e , however, should not be over-emphasised insofar as there are many cases where a national movement can develop using the "imperial language," (e.g. Irish or Scottish nationalism).

When an individual belongs simultaneously to two separate, mutually hostile or incompatible groups — including ethnic ones — this creates an internal tension. To minimise or eliminate this tension, an individual may reject the need for ethnic identification altogether.

Shul'ha labels this reaction "ethnic nihilism" or "cosmopolitanism," since such individuals are apt to claim to be "citizens of Europe" or "the world" when asked in sociological s t u d i e s . 2 5 Since the basic feature of this

"cosmopolitan" identification is an inability to make an ethnic choice, or a weak attachment to any and all ethnic groups, this form of identification will be treated as a variety of marginal identification.^^ The extent to which Ukrainians and Russians are "separate," "mutually hostile" or

"incompatible" groups is, of course, widely disputed. Ukrainian nationalists would argue that Russia is Ukraine's eternal enemy, while pan-Slavists would argue the opposite. For persons of mixed parentage, the latter view, obviously has advantages; this is the case in the strategy which follows.

Joyce O. Hertzler, A Sociology of Language (New York, 1965), p. 229. The terms "ethnic nihilist" or "cosmopolitain" are sometimes used as epithets in Soviet or nationalist polemics. No such negative connotation is intended here.

Shul'ha, by contrast regards such "cosmopolitanism" as a separate category. There is some a certain degree of logic to this, in that both of these types of identification imply a broad, pan-identity. However, because "cosmopolitanism" implies a very weak identification qua

ethnicity, it is best understood as a form of marginal identification, and as an inability, or unwillingness to make an ethnic decision.

The fourth and final category encompas^those individuals who follow a strategy which attempts to reconcile two ethnic-identities with an over-arching 'pan-identity.' That is, an identity (ethnic or otherwise) which accepts both sides of the individual's self-identification. As in the case of the "cosmopolitan" strategy, this is a mode of reducing internal tension stemming from a difficult ethnic identity decision. However, in contrast to the marginal individual, who has a tortured or weak association with two ethnicities, the "pan-identity" may be a very strong allegiance.

A 1994 study of ethnic and political self-identification in the former Yugoslavia found that mixed parentage was the most significant factor leading individuals to select the "Yugoslav" pan-identity in the national census. The authors of the Yugoslav study thus describe the adaptive mechanism of the 'pan-identity':

Yugoslav self-identification also provided individuals a means of avoiding competing claims to their national allegiance. This was especially important for children of nationally-mixed marriages, where each parent might expect their child to recognise their particular national identity. By identifying as a Yugoslav, one could resist claims that others might make on one's identity and thus avoid potential

conflicts.

For a study of pan-ethnic identity in the United States see David Lopez and Yen Espiritu, "Panethnicity in the United States: A Theoretical

Framework," Ethnic and Racial Studies. 13, 2, 1990, p. 219. Lopez and Espiritu see intermarriage as the key to the formation of a pan-ethnic identity.

Dusko Sekulic, Randy Hodson and Garth Massey, "Who Were the Yugoslavs? Failed Sources of a Common Identity in the Former Yugoslavia," American Sociological Review. 59, 1994, pp. 85.

A study of the effects of intermarriage in Canada also found that persons of mixed parentage were far more likely to define their ethnic identity simply as "Canadian," rather than identifying with the nationality of their parents or ancestors/^ In the Ukrainian case, self-identification as a "Soviet" was an analogous form of "inclusive" self- identification for persons of mixed Russo- Ukrainian heritage.

To summarise, four basic routes to self-identification are proposed:

1) Strong identification with only one ethnic group.

2) Strong, stable, identification with two groups simultaneously. Bi-cultural, bi-ethnic.

3) Marginal identification: weak o r unstable identification with two or more ethnic groups, and vacillation between them. This may lead to a complete rejection of any form of ethnic identity — "ethnic nihilism." Insofar as "cosmopolitanism" implies a weak identification with all ethnic groups, it will be regarded as a form of marginal identification. 4) "Pan-ethnic' identification: strong identification with a group which encompasses several ethnic groups (i.e. East Slavic (Pan-Russian, as in Little Russia, Great Russia, White Russia); South Slavic (Yugoslavian); Soviet; Canadian.).

On a political level, one may assume that individuals who adopt the first strategy will also identify primarily with only one political entity. In other words, those who identify only as Ukrainian will be more likely to identify strongly with the Ukrainian state. Individuals who identify strongly with two ethnicities, may also have a strong identification with

Jay Goldstein and Alexander Segall, "Ethnic Intermarriage and Ethnic Identity," Canadian Ethnic Studies. 17, 3, pp. 63-64.

one or both states. Individuals who are marginal, or who claim a "pan­ identity” are more likely to identify with a broader political entity, such as the CIS, the USSR, or a new federation of Russia and Ukraine.

It is worth repeating that mixed parentage is only one of several factors which may promote a "marginal," or "cosmopolitan" identity. As noted, speaking a language other than one's native tongue also promotes a sense of belonging to another nationality. According to the authors of the study of Yugoslav identity, urban residents were also far more likely to identify as "Yugoslavs." Furthermore, one may assume that age and personal experience are important factors in determining identification with a given political entity. Hence, one would imagine that individuals who lived through the Great Patriotic War, for example, would possess a greater sense of Soviet patriotism than someone who was bom during the Brezhnev era. Perhaps most decisively, the entire transitional epoch is one which is calculated to breed transitional and borderline identities. The death of the Soviet state and the birth of an independent Ukrainian state will have stirred up questions of identity — especially for those who identified primarily as "Soviets" — that otherwise might have remained dormant indefinitely.