FICHA RESUMEN DESCRIPCIÓN DE PROYECTO

China’s cultural approach to engaging Africa diverges from the European colonial model of cultural paternalism. Fundamentally, China is not driven by a “civilizing mission” to reform and save African individuals from their per- ceived primitivity. Unlike attempts by French colonial authorities to create “Frenchmen” from their African subjects by imparting French language, eti- quette, and habits, Chinese authorities have no interest in transforming Africans into “Chinamen.” European colonial attitudes were paradoxical: paternalistic attempts to bring “civilized” ways of life to African subjects were debasing, even as this cultural engagement signaled the shared essence of humanity and fraternité. That the Chinese engagement with Africa is cultur- ally value free may be liberating for African partners, even as this approach may underline the cultural assumption that Africans never could become “Chinamen,” as there is no place for Africans in the Chinese cultural sphere. Social relations between ordinary Africans and Chinese are marked by a tension between mutual admiration and mutual loathing. Although Africans and Chinese alike admire the quality of strength that they observe in the other, they also share robustly negative perceptions of one another. African and Chinese people do not often or intimately interact. Chinese enterprises tend to be walled off from the surrounding landscape or neighborhood; Chi- nese managers tend to be aloof and hesitant to engage socially with their African counterparts, employees, or neighbors.

Despite this separation, Chinese and Africans have a shared admiration for one another. As illustrated in public displays throughout Beijing during the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit in 2006, Chinese audiences marvel at the majesty of African animals and landscape and cele- brate the historical endurance and cultural authenticity of its people. In Africa youths embrace Chinese martial artists as emblems of individual tenacity and potential; throughout the continent in urban and rural areas alike, martial arts clubs have sprung up, as young African men (in particular) memorize and mimic the moves of their Chinese martial arts heroes.

African commentators have also noted with appreciation the simple lifestyle and disciplined work ethic of Chinese entrepreneurs and managers in Africa. Chinese state directives consistently exhort the Chinese in Africa to live in a manner that reflects the living conditions of Africans. As opposed to the

luxurious living standards enjoyed by European colonists, even project man- agers live in simple accommodations, with several men sharing a single room and facilities. Africans respect this Chinese restraint, even as they recognize that because of the disciplined austerity of Chinese businesspeople, their dis- posable income does not enter local African economies through the purchase of either goods or services. Similarly, Africans observe the disciplined work ethic of Chinese managers and laborers; the Chinese task-oriented approach differs from both the European colonial management style, which generally involved plentiful breaks for tea among the managers, and from the African approach to work, which is typically relaxed and social. Some Africans strive to emulate the Chinese ability to focus on practical goals and to complete tasks efficiently. In the words of Sierra Leone’s information minister, “The Chinese don’t seem to rest. We could learn from that.”27

Despite these favorable cultural perceptions, both Chinese and Africans simultaneously view each other with suspicion. Public discourse—both among African and Chinese observers—often tends toward potently racist extremes. Many Africans seem suspicious of Chinese intentions, an unease reinforced by their perceptions of Chinese wealth, stinginess, and social dis- tance. An online response to a BBC article about Chinese investment in Africa captures this racialized anxiety: “Asian invasion. They are everywhere. Infil- trating like a colony of ants. I’m telling you . . . they have the numbers and the money to be successful. Because they’ve run out of space in their country. They are everywhere, people . . . and they are deadly. They hate other races and they are ruthless. Watch out for them.”28

Similarly, Chinese stereotypes of Africans that circulate in public discourse tend to be negative. Indeed, the Chinese characters for Africa, fei zhou , translate literally as “negative continent.”

In recognition and support of its expanding presence in Africa, and in an attempt to lay foundations for positive social engagements between Africans and Chinese, China has actively supported the expansion of Chinese-language education and media throughout the continent. The government-sponsored Office of Chinese Language Council International organizes Confucius Insti- tutes throughout the world to offer public courses in Mandarin Chinese. In 2005, the first Confucius Institute in Africa opened at the University of Nairobi, offering classes in Mandarin Chinese to fifteen students. Since then, two Confucius Institutes have opened in South Africa (the Universities of Stellenbosch and Pretoria), and one each in Rwanda (Kigali) and Zimbabwe (Harare). Enrollments have swelled. Enthusiasm for learning Chinese has been high, as Africans with knowledge of Mandarin have found steady

employment as facilitators for Chinese business and tourist ventures. Private language schools in Nairobi and other African capital cities have also begun to offer courses in Mandarin. African students enrolled in Mandarin classes point to the necessity of speaking Chinese to take advantage of the economic opportunities offered by recent “look East” policies promoted by African gov- ernments and the resulting surge in Chinese involvement on the continent.29

Yet others in Africa resent the “necessity” of learning another foreign lan- guage after Africans had mastered the prevailing colonial European languages of the twentieth century.30