The Colonial Office began to consider an alternative form of govern ment for Canada if the present one stopped functioning altogether. The discussion centred largely on the possibility of forming a federal union of all the British North American colonies. Merivale remarked that the chief problem of a federal union was "...it is chiefly popular with pol iticians, not in the community, and rather as a mode of getting out of the inextricable scrape in which they seem involved by the present
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Union." Merivale also wrote an important memorandum on federation, the state of responsible government and the desirability of sending private as opposed to public despatches to Canada. Concerning the political immaturity of Canadian politicians in the "double shuffle" crisis he wrote: "...Messrs. Brown & Dorion will know that nothing would injure
them so much in Canada as to invoke English interference. If they are in earnest, they will ask for the recall of the Governor." Even if the Canadian politicians did take this step Merivale was certain the Colonial Office would defend Head largely because British politicians were reluctant to interfere in the domestic politics of Canada after responsible govern—
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ment had been granted. As he put it: "I cannot but think that even Mr, Roebuck himself would find it difficult to get any one to back him in a discussion on a Canadian change of ministry which in no way affects this country." Colonial self-government could work in the self-interest either of Britain or the white settlement colonies.
Merivale was opposed to a federation of the British North American colonies. He did not think Lytton should adopt this panacea because Canadians were not ready for it and there was a much better alternative. Although he admitted federation was a "... most proper subject: nor would even a Canadian Council be so unreasonable as to consider it other wise: But I do not see in the present stage of the affairs, what possible
information you expect to get. If the Governor has personally erred in the matter, the private letter will call him to order." Private letters, Merivale explained to Lytton, had helped to avoid the problems which had arisen from public despatches which were published in the Canadian press. With public despatches the Colonial Office was frequently misunderstood: "... they will certainly attribute to you a deeper meaning: and, if they did not, they would be affronted. They have no idea of the domestic affairs of two'millions of people being overhauled in Parl't like that of Sierra Leone or St. Helena." Canadians considered themselves, now that they had responsible government, as politically equal "under the Crown with the Imp. Gov't."71 Therefore, in order to avoid petty squabbles, Merivale and the Colonial Office had to use an informal system of commun ication.
Head was able to weather this political storm with the support of Merivale at the Colonial Office. The Colonial Office did not change
its view of federalism until the 1860 !s and by then Merivale had left the 73
Colonial Office. Considering the economic and political situation of all the eastern British North American colonies it is difficult to dis- with Merivale s conclusion that in the 1850*s these colonies were simply not ready for federation.^
If the larger eastern colonies in British North America were not ready for federation and had many practical difficulties with responsible govern ment, it is no wonder then that the colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia did not obtain responsible government. In 1856 the Colonial Office took the initiative and ordered the colonial politicians to form an assembly. Unlike eastern British North America, there was no struggle
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for self-government. In this case Merivale's dictum for the other
colonies was also true; economic and social development should occur before 7 6 a colony would be granted control over its domestic and external affairs. In the negotiations for the grant of Vancouver Island to the Hudson's Bay Company in 1848, Merivale had noted to Lord Grey: "Practically some time must of course lapse before any representative assembly can be summoned. But the H.B.C. have no power to render that it shall be postponed 'until
77 it is desirable1".
From 1849 to 1855 there was little economic development on Vancouver Island other than the fur trade. There was no initiative by the colonists, the Hudson's Bay Company or the Colonial Office to call an assembly. By 1855, Merivale began to doubt the viability of the colony;
I think it very doubtful whether a settlement can in reason be said to have been established, when after 6 years no attempt has been made to call the people together to manage their own affairs,
though this may be no fault of the Company. It is also worth considering whether it is desirable the present state of things
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should longer continue with Russia on one side of the little settle ment & the U.S. on the other. But on the other hand, to depose the
H.B. Co. will unavoidably entail some expense on the Home Government, for the place can hardly be in a situation to maintain i t s e l f . 78
In 1855 the Hudson's Bay Company informed the Colonial Office of its desire to call an assembly of colonists on the Island but Merivale was
very cautious when he learned that there were only forty eligible electors. 79 Nevertheless, one year later, with the support of the Colonial Office,
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the colonists found themselves building a house of assembly. Respon sible government did not follow.
After the gold rush in 1858 a new colony was created by Lytton and Douglas on the mainland. Like Vancouver Island, it was granted represent ative institutions. At least until 1860, the Colonial Office relied
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