In London, the first Greek community school was established in 1952. At the time of writing there are 45 Greek schools in London and 437 outside the London area (http://hellenic-‐education-‐uk.europe.sch.gr/poioieim/paroik.htm,
31/10/10). Most of these schools are ‘community’ schools and usually function twice a week between 18:00-‐20:00 during weekdays and 10:00-‐13:00 or 14:00-‐ 17:00 on Saturdays. There are also two full-‐time schools: the Greek elementary school and the Greek Gymnasium-‐Lyceum (secondary schools), which are established by the Greek Ministry of education. These is also a Greek Orthodox Primary school, St. Cyprian’s, that according to the mission statement ‘aims to provide its children with primary education of the highest quality in a supportive learning environment through the National Curriculum, enriched by the progressive teaching of the Greek Language and Christian Orthodox religion’ (http://www.st-‐cyprians.croydon.sch.uk/page9.html, accessed 22/09/13).
The aforementioned schools and especially the Greek community schools in London function under the authority of the Greek and Greek-‐Cypriot Ministries of Education and their administrative in London: the Education Coordinator’s Office of Great Britain and the equivalent office of the Cypriot Embassy. They are run by a number of organisations, such as:
1. Greek Embassy in London,
2. United Forum for the Greek Education in the United Kingdom (Ε.Φ.Ε.Π.Ε.) [E.F.E.P.E] in which participate the following bodies:
a. Central Educational Council of the Greek Orthodox Archbishopric of Thyateira and Great Britain
b. Fedaration of Educational Associations of Greek Cypriots in England
c. Independent Greek schools of Britain 3. Greek Independent schools of London (http://www.nostos.com, accessed 31/10/10).
As the reason for this large number of organisations was not officially documented, it was further explored during the pilot study interviews8. According to the teacher-‐participants’ reports there were political affiliations that demanded the division of the organisations. Mrs. Elena, one of the most experienced teachers, reported, ‘at the begining there were the AKEL members
who established the schools but then other Greek-Cypriots came here and they wanted schools that were politically independent. So they organised the independent schools of Britain. All schools though shared the same dream: to maintain the language, the culture and the religion’. In view of Mrs. Elena’s account, the different school organisations affiliate to specific political ideologies and the administrative political parties in Cyprus. All schools follow the same curriculum as this was established by the Greek and the Cypriot Educational Offices.
The aims and objectives of these schools, as indicated by the Greek Educational Office in London and the equivalent Cypriot, could be summarised on the following:
1. Maintenance of the Greek culture and tradition through both languages: English and Greek.
2. The diffusion and protection of the Greek education.
3. The establishment of Greek schools in areas, in which Greek Orthodox Christians live as inhabitants.
(http://ellinismossouidias.wordpress.com/2009/02/10/γραφείο-‐ εκπαίδευσης-‐ελληνική-‐εκπαίδ/, accessed 22/09/13).
It may be argued that the above aims and objectives are designed according to a triptych that reflects homeland Greek Educational Policy: language, tradition and Orthodox Christianity. In this view, there is a continuum between diasporic and homeland education that could function as a symbolic representation of identity and aims at fostering belonging to the greater Hellenic community.
As regards the role of religion within the Greek culture it may be argued that the secular and religious aspect have always been amalgamated and therefore never distanced. The label ‘Ministry of Education, Lifelong Learning and Religious Affairs’ is evidence of this amalgamation within the educational setting. It should be noted that the previous title ‘Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs’, though changed in 2009, still preserved the religious element.
Religion and Orthodoxy also play an important role within the context of diasporic education. The Greek orthodox churches not only functioned as magnetic poles for the organisation of the Greek local community but also supported and encouraged the establishment of the first community schools in London. Moreover, according to the community school curriculum it is compulsory for the students and the teachers to attend a number of church services within the year and to develop their religious identity. Lastly, every school year and assembly begins with a prayer. The latter aspect with the prayer is also a religious element reported in the Gujarati community schools where the lesson begins and ends with a prayer. Creese et al. (2008: 27) argues that these prayers could be regarded as ‘rituals, which emphasise heritage and tradition’.
Another element that emerges from the aforementioned aims and objectives is the emphasis on Greek culture maintenance. This emphasis raises concerns on “what could stand for Greek culture?; “whether this culture is perceived from an essentialist or non-‐essentialist perspective”; and “whether this form of collective culture promotes identification with the respective community?”. Given the complexity of all these questions, it may be argued that the educational aims and objectives have embedded ideological representations -‐produced and/or reproduced within community education-‐ that need to be explored further through this research.