The state of Jordan, under the directives of the monarch, aims to meet the needs of young people and utilise their capacity to support society. The importance of Jordanian youth is stated in the fifth chapter of the National Charter: “Youth constitute both the future of society and its renewable human wealth”, directing the state to provide continuous support for youth through national programmes to enable them to gain
76 In 2002, UNICEF carried out a survey involving youth in the 20–24 age group that showed that 75%
of Jordanians believed their roles in their local communities and in decision-making were incommensurate with those of their adult counterparts (UNFPA Jordan, 2015a). They expressed their disdain at being excluded from issues that affect them at home, at school and in their neighbourhoods (Mouwad, 2007, p.15, cited in Górak-Sosnowska, 2010, p.25).
qualifications and harness their energy for innovation and creativity (National Charter, chapter five, 1990).
The Ministry of Youth (MoY) is the highest government institution responsible for formulating, developing and implementing youth policy in Jordan. The Ministry also collaborates with other relevant government and non-government actors to ensure all policies have multi-sectoral input. Their vision is to qualify youth for productive work, promoting innovation and creativity, protecting them from delinquency and directing their creative energies towards constructive development (Wiktorowicz, 2002). In consultation with 50,000 Jordanian youth, the government launched a National Youth Strategy (NYS)77 (2005–2009) jointly with the HCY and the UNDP in
cooperation with UNICEF (Górak-Sosnowska, 2010). The NYS provides a framework for developing a youth policy that fits the needs of young people and promotes their development. The main vision of the NYS is to
raise and develop Jordanian young men and women who are aware of themselves and their abilities, loyal to their country and [proactive in taking part] in its progress and development, able to deal with the variables and developments of this age in a confident, aware and steadfast manner, within a secure and supporting environment. (HCY and UNDP, 2004, p.9)
The priorities identified in the NYS are as follows (Górak-Sosnowska, 2010): participation
civil rights and citizenship
recreational activity and leisure time culture and information
information technology and globalisation education and training
77 On searching for any youth empowerment strategies while surfing the website of the MoY, the author
failed to find any strategy related to youth empowerment covering the period from 2009 to 2017. Accordingly, the author has depended on NYS 2005–2009, as the most recent policy on youth empowerment sponsored by the state. In this vein, the GoJ has launched the HRD Strategy (2016–2025). The strategy encompasses the objectives of enhancing the quality of primary, secondary, university and vocational education across Jordan. On examining the strategy, the author failed to find any mention of
employment health environment.
The first two priorities noted above are directly linked to the purpose of this research. The NYS could be considered an opportunity for a legally binding framework that sustains and ensures youth participation in public policy. The policy proposes integrating youth voices when setting goals, framing issues, allocating resources, designing policy and implementing programmes. Engaging youth in community planning promotes a stronger sense of ownership and commitment to their cities, enhancing social capital and trust, increasing their satisfaction and ensuring their welfare.
4.7 Conclusion
According to the second objective of this study, an in-depth analysis of the urban governance context in Jordan is necessary. The examination of Jordanian urban development is twofold: the three overarching spheres of the market, the state and civil society are studied in chapter four; then in chapter five, a micro-analysis of the urban governance context at the local level, in Amman, will be presented. This chapter contributed to the second objective by critically examining and providing a contextual understanding of the political, social and economic spheres in Jordan and how youth relate to these three major spheres of society.
This chapter started by examining the political sphere. Examining the political sphere involves explaining the administrative structure and the bureaucratic organisation of the state apparatuses. This was followed by a discussion on political liberalisation that demonstrated how democratisation is vital for empowering youth and nurturing their agency (Day, 2017). Next, the economic sphere (i.e., the market) was analysed according to the challenges and constraints that hinder the realisation of effective youth engagement policy. Urbanisation and public participation are highly affected by the pattern of economic growth (Head, 2011). Therefore, a brief discussion highlighting key aspects of the macroeconomics of Jordan was presented. Section 4.6, to provide more detail of youth engagement in the market sphere.
The chapter also contextualised the nature of Jordanian society – that is, its tribal structure. Section 4.5 explained the social structure of Jordanian civil society, which was presented in its formal and informal shape. Formal entities could include NGOs and CBOs, while the informal structure of civil society refers to the tribal structure and social relationship based on kinfolk. Informal civil society is considered to be more effective and powerful in the public realm than the formal civil society structure in Jordan (Jarrah, 2009). The cultural context of Jordan and the nature of informal civil society in Jordan formed the foundation for the research analysis and findings. Subsection 6.2.4, in chapter six, discusses how cultural capital is significant in determining levels of youth participation in the public realm. Therefore, mapping out influential CSOs is instrumental for effective institutional design (Healey et al., 1998) for greater youth participation in spatial planning. In addition, the range of NGOs and CBOs and their main challenges and constraints were discussed to illustrate how their limited organisational or functional autonomy hinders the realisation of youth agency in the formal structure.
Chapter four concluded by discussing the status of youth in Jordan. Section 4.6 started by discussing how a high rate of unemployment among Jordanian youth is considered a barrier to their participation. In addition, subsection 4.6.1 and appendix 4 included a presentation on the nature and characteristics of youth NGOs. Youth NGOs’ weak political muscle has a negative impact on youth citizenship and agency.
Both chapters four and five are designed to contribute to the second objective of this study. They depend on information obtained from grey documents. Next, chapter five aims to critically discuss the institutional context of spatial planning in Amman, based on the literature. Chapters four and five form the foundation for the analysis of the institutional context of urban governance in Amman. However, as they both rely on patchy and limited secondary data, the study needs more academically rigorous information to fully address the second objective.