GESTIÓN DE LA SEGURIDAD DE INFORMACIÓN E.S.P

Bourdieu (1984) suggests that educational capital is guaranteed cultural capital. Thus, the accrual of degrees, diplomas, and other educational credentials has, in itself, a certain wealth that can be measured in terms of status, potential earning ability and relevant dispositions in taste. Sport occupies an important place in the Japanese educational curriculum, in the form of club activities in schools and universities. To what extent is university based rowing in Japan a field of practice whereby forms of capital can be accrued. Can this particular form of physical education help to accrue capital, can this capital be specified and can it be transferred into cultural and economic capital? Further, is this capital in the same mode as that of academic education?

The concept of economic capital through physical education here is not concerned with the prospect of a professional sporting career as a result of this education. A recent Canadian study suggests that there is a relationship between participation in sport and future earning capacity (Curtis, McTeer and White, 2003). Their results emphasise also the cultural, social and physical capital accrued as an outcome of involvement sport. Although there is opportunity to work for companies that have rowing clubs, these are not professional athletes in the modern sense of the word. They are more like amateur athletes of old who overcame the problem of professionalism by working for a company in undisclosed jobs and also representing that company in their chosen sport. The company rower in Japan may have been

recruited for their rowing ability, but they are still required to work the normal hours and job description of other employees.

To view sports such as rowing as possessing a greater capital potential than just skill acquisition and physical fitness it is necessary to examine how the body is viewed or conceptualised in Japan.

Valuing the Japanese Body

The dominant paradigm in Western culture routinely emphasises the Cartesian differentiation between mind and body and, as such, separates the two into exclusive areas. Cartesian logic has shaped much of Western sociology of the body though there has been a shift from such dualism toward fresh and 'embodied' approaches. As Shilling (2005: 19) suggests, the 'structuration' theories provide a new, 'middle way between social constructivist accounts of govern-mentality and phenomenological accounts of lived experience'. However, sporting practices are still largely dominated by the deterministic nature of the scientific method and the need to rationalise and quantify human action continues to force oppositions such as mind/body, subject/object, sociology/biology. To envisage the body as merely a physical structure housing a consciousness places a roadblock to understanding the potentialities of ourselves as beings. As such the more we rationalise our understanding of the body through such methods as biology or medicine the more we actually inhibit the understanding of the 'lived body'. Human beings are physical existence.

How does a BURC rower perceive his body and its potentialities? It is clear from previous information that the historical and philosophical construction of the individual in Japan is different to that of Western-Christian based thought. The

influences of Buddhist and Confucian thought have constructed a paradigm of the individual that not only runs counter to Cartesian logic in not recognising the mind/body dualism but also presents a model that may indeed enlighten and inspire our understanding of the body universally.

Ishikawa (1991 in Ozawa-DeSilva, 2002: 22) explains the issue as 'we should say that we do not have the body but that we are the body'. Central to this realisation of the self are the concepts of ki (spiritual energy) and mi which refers to the body as a potential whole, 'as the self, the heart, and lastly the whole existence' (Ozawa- DeSilva, 2002: 28). Ishikawa sees the 'body as spirit' (in Ozawa-DeSilva, 2002: 23) and that 'spirit and mind are nothing but two names given to the same reality' (in Ozawa-DeSilva, 2002: 25). The strength of one's ki can be expressed in one's health or lack thereof, and may be remedied or strengthened through diet, meditation, morality, exercise etc. Meanwhile, one's mi is the natural and spiritual, the social and the self, existing simultaneously.

Mind and body are seen as one, unified by the concepts of spirit and harmony, which allow bodily practices to improve the whole individual and not just physiology or appearance. This cultivation of the self is found in aesthetic practice, meditation and the martial arts (Horne, 2000). Yuasa (1987: 24) suggests the 'oneness of the body- mind is thus a goal or an ideal for inward meditation as well as for outward activities'. Examples of these 'outward activities' can be seen from the 17th century onward as Zen Buddhism found its way from the warrior classes and into wider secular life. Yuasa (1993: 26) observes that 'Eastern self-cultivation places importance on entering the mind from the body or form. That is, it attempts to train the mind by training the

body. Consequently, the mind is not simply consciousness nor is it constant and unchangeable, but rather it is that which is transformed through training the body'. Yuasa (1993) observes that the harmonisation of mind-body is not always apparent, as for example when learning a new activity. Whether sport, dance, theatre, calligraphy etc, at a beginners' stage the mind and body are incongruous as intellectual understanding of what is required is not met with exact physical reciprocity. As training continues mind-body oneness is achieved and action becomes no longer directed by the mind but rather free and unconscious. The issue of whether mind-body oneness is achieved rests for Yuasa in the intention or goal of the activity being undertaken. A practice must be undertaken in the right spirit if one is to develop

seishin.49 Thus sport can be seen from varying perspectives as to its role in education as Western practices tend to focus on enhancing bodily capacities. However, if the practice of Western sport has, as a goal (perhaps directed initially by teachers or coaches) spiritual training, then it is 'conceivable that perseverance of hard training can bring forth the effect of strengthening spiritual power and nurturing strong will power' (Yuasa, 1993: 8). Sporting clubs such as BURC, offer therefore a physical practice that can operate as a method of self cultivation, particularly as a practice of

Karada de oboeru, that is, learning through the body. Physical knowledge is seen as permanent. Brownell (1995: 12-13) explains her experiences as an athlete in China as 'practice makes permanent' which tends to reiterate the largely unconscious nature of Bourdieu's habitus, the extension of which is its durability that 'reinforces social order' and becomes the 'ultimate source of social stability'. Thus self-cultivation in this way is indeed social cultivation as the body provides habituation of the permanency of social relations. Recognising this concept of the body is crucial in addressing the

question of transferring educational (in this case physical) capital into forms of cultural capital. Ozawa-DeSilva (2002: 36) indicates that the 'Japanese tend to see bodily practice as cultivation, seeking as its end not power, but the recognition of mind-body integration, the natural expression of which can be seen in activities such as Zen archery' (for example see Herrigel, 1953).

Clammer (1995: 88) argues an acceptance of the Japanese body with associations to concepts relating to

purity, and the view of self development as cultivation of character, moral qualities, endurance (which in Japan is a moral quality) and spirit which leads to an expansion of responsibility and human heartedness which ultimately defines the ideal person. With an overview of the self that combines a mind-body unity requiring constant cultivation and attention to develop, the individual can be seen indeed as 'a work in progress' as is the case with BURC rowers. The daily regimes intended on integrating the intellectual theory of rowing with the somatic practice of rowing are a case in point of the acquisition of mind-body unity. As embodied practice BURC rowers invest their time in a training and living environment that on a level of mi develops a habitus which demonstrates ki capital, a capital that endures, it is assumed, long after the days in the boat are over.

I Know Where You're Coming From

As previously mentioned, becoming a member at BURC is part of a continuation of a project begun at high school or even junior high school. Most members arrive already possessing physical capital (rowing ability) in the field and a strong understanding of concepts such as jōge kankei. This pre-history is crucial for the function of the