2.5.1. Obtaining ongoing ethical approval: from fieldwork to write-up
Prior to conducting fieldwork, I submitted an ‘Ethics Review Checklist’ to the Research Ethics and Governance Committee at Canterbury Christ Church University (CCCU) outlining fieldwork intentions. I also completed a critical reading of the British Sociological Association’s (2002) ‘Statement of Ethical Practice for the British Sociological Association’ to ensure that my research intentions fitted with their guidance for sociologists and referred to this document throughout fieldwork and the writing up process. Additionally, I found gained inspiring and pragmatic guidance from reading other PhD theses by peers conducting similar research in my field; three studies of which included: William Haydock’s (2009) study of the NTE of Bournemouth, Cara Robinson’s (2009a) study of youth illegal drug use, and Gemma Commane’s (2011) study of BDSM culture. Each study offered practical advice around conducting ethical research including forming relationships with participants, building rapport and ensuring personal safety in vulnerable settings. Reading the trials and tribulations of researchers like myself gave me confidence in my own abilities, identifying that whilst there are common issues that researchers face, each researcher’s journey is unique and personal.
This encouraged a positive mindset that there is not necessarily a ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ way of doing research; but outcomes of the research will depend upon the researchers own biography and research context (Merrill and West, 2009).
As previously suggested, when conducting research in community settings I gained trust through name-dropping and snowballing through various community contacts. I also produced a Criminal Records Bureau (CRB)17 check and letters from CCCU to confirm my identity and research intentions. These satisfied community members who decided that it was appropriate for me to conduct research alongside the young people. Without organisations like The Sycamore School, Willow High School, The Rafters, Sparrow Youth Club and Sutton Youth Bus, I would not have had opportunities to access certain groups of young people to explore
17 Now known as DBS (Disclosure and Barring Service) check.
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their drinking cultures with them. Therefore, when individuals from these organisations requested that I did not conduct further research with young people outside of the organisations, I wanted to respect their wishes. Not only did I owe this to them, but they also highlighted legitimate concerns that might arise out of conducting research alongside these young people. The most prominent being that many young people would be engaging in illegal drug use, perhaps than alcohol consumption in public settings. Therefore, I would potentially be placing myself vulnerable in legal and ethical positions. Despite many young people inviting me to “hang out” with them, I decided that the participatory research I was conducting alongside young drinkers in NTE settings was producing sufficiently rich data that did not present the ethical quandaries relating to underage drinking and illegal drug use. Furthermore, I did not want to cut off the potential research avenues offered by a network of community professionals. These approaches felt underpinned by prescriptive ethics including reciprocity, honest, accountability, responsibility and equality which enabled me to treat participants with respect and avoid exploitation (Skeggs, 2001a).
Whilst gaining informed-consent with participants in community settings with professionals and young people took the form of an open-dialogue, gaining informed-consent in NTE settings in Sutton including pubs, bars and nightclubs was more complex. This was attributed to the challenge of gaining informed-consent from strangers and individuals in public settings with whom I observed and recorded data from. As acknowledged by Bengry-Howell and Griffin (2012), it is not always entirely appropriate or feasible to gain consent in social research, particularly in the case of ethnographic research with ‘hard to reach’ groups. Drawing upon the work of Measham and Moore (2009) I explored ways in which I could maximise consent amongst participants in NTE settings with potentially intoxicated young adults. Like Measham and Moore (2006; 2009), I focussed on attempting to maintain a dialogue with young adults regarding consent. In the case of my research, as much of the data collection was focussed on bservations of friend-informants, I had gained informed-consent with them prior to fieldwork, which was carefully negotiated, taking into account how the role of intoxication might influence consent. However, with prolonged interactions with strangers, friend-informants or I would inform individuals that I was conducting research and taking notes. On the whole, most of these individuals took an interest in the research and would engage with me so that consent could be obtained. However, with others that took an active disinterest, I did not record notes, assuming that this implied a lack of consent. Gaining informed-consent with those whom I had fleeting moments with could be seen inappropriate as there was little opportunity to discuss this with them. In cases where notes about these individuals appeared in the thesis, I have attempted to make them non-identifiable and did not interfere with their nights out, or invaded their privacy in an uninviting way. Similarly, in regard to venues, the drinking establishments
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have been anonymised using pseudonyms and identifiable description has been edited in the writing process.
In regard to writing the thesis, following O’Reilly’s (2009c) guidance I have ensured that readers have been presented with full a description (where possible) of where the ethnography was done and how, alongside an account of misgivings, mistakes, expectations, disappointments, revelations and pleasures; to allow the reader to enjoy and evaluate the written product. However, to maintain anonymity and adhere to confidentiality, there have been some deliberate omissions agreed upon with the research participants. This allowed me to commit to the feminist ethnographic approaches suggesting that findings should respect the wishes of participants (McNamara, 2009). In relation to this, I invited participants to view abstracts of the thesis that related directly to, or concerned them, and their representation, so that they had the opportunity to co-author the ethnography to avoid exploiting the participants (Stacey, 1988). Some participants asked to view the writing; although most of participants did not want to view transcripts, with one participant, Stephanie stating, “I trust you to write about us”. This was a pivotal moment in feeling that I had achieved an authentic feminist ethnography because I had earned the trust of the participants.
2.5.2. Consuming alcohol with research participants
One of the most significant ethical considerations in fieldwork that I was unsure about sharing was participating in limited alcohol consumption with the participants; moments of which highlight the ethical dilemmas when fieldwork and the researcher’s own personal values may clash (O’Brien, 2009). However, I did not want to deny this occurred and subsequently produce a ‘hidden ethnography’ (Blackman, 2007). When conducting a literature review regarding how researchers managed fieldwork linked to intoxication, initially I found little writing about this in the methodological discussions of others works. Writing was absent, or fleeting references of researching alongside intoxicated participants was made. For example, whilst William Haydock (2009) suggests that he had varying levels as a ‘participant observer’ in his research of young adult drinkers in Bournemouth, there is little reference to negotiating the intoxication of participants. However, some studies reveal insight about alcohol consumption or intoxication taking place with participants. For example, Blackman (2007) suggested that he consumed alcohol with the homeless and unemployed people in Brighton and alludes to drinking with Mod boys during fieldwork at a birthday party, stating, “It had been a restless night as a consequence of consuming too much alcohol” (Blackman and Commane, 2012:235).
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Like Blackman (2007), the rationale for choosing to consume alcohol with participants was because it had a major impact in establishing rapport; which is achieved by signifying emotional commitment to participants and sharing experiences. Other prominent sociologists including Howard Becker, Paul Willis and Sarah Thornton (amongst others), have participated in intoxication with participants; not out of empathy, but because “it is an experience which came naturally in the context of the ethnography” (Blackman 2007:711). For these sociologists, their substance use was not a key research strategy; but from rapport already established. This resonated with my own experiences, which consequently led to a richer ethnography that contributes a closer understanding of youth drinking cultures. However, like Measham and Moore (2009), I had to retain an awareness of the role that intoxication has upon participant’s levels of compliance and consent and what is consequently written about them. This is when re-confirming with participants what was written about them was carefully managed; giving participants the opportunity to review transcripts to maintain my ethical commitment. In sum, exposing these emotional and personal pressures regarding research has offered valuable insight into “the ordinary everyday spaces of moral processes that embed local worlds” (O’Brien, 2009:120).
2.6. Conclusion
This chapter has aimed to put the thesis into context by enlivening and positioning key research participants, research settings and the researcher biographical context for the reader. This transparent account supports subsequent data chapters to follow. The chapter outlined key methodological and theoretical approaches informed by the Chicago School which prioritise varying levels of participant observation, informal and formal interviews and the collection of personal and public documentary materials that informed the data and findings for the subsequent chapters. The grounded theoretical approaches that informed fieldwork, data analyses and the write up of the thesis have been identified to show how the ethnographic theoretical description informing the data chapters to follow have been produced. The feminist ethnographic approaches and ethical considerations that prioritise youth voice, rapport, emotion, subjectivity and reciprocity which places young participants at the heart of the fieldwork, analyses and write up of the data chapters have also been outlined.
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CHAPTER THREE: COMMUNITY EDUCATIONAL APPROACHES IN OVERCOMING EPHEMERALITY IN DRUG AND ALCOHOL EDUCATION AND SHAPING YOUTH DRINKING CULTURES
3.1. Introduction
This data chapter explores the role of local community organisations, services and educational professionals in shaping the ongoing everyday drinking values and practices of young people in Sutton. Emerging through fieldwork, it became apparent that one of the main ways that the community attempted to shape youth drinking cultures in Sutton was through the delivery of a variety of drug and alcohol educational approaches. Thus, contextualised by drug and alcohol policy research, drug and alcohol educational research and youth work literature, this data chapter offers a critique of alcohol and drug education approaches delivered by community organisations, exploring the influence of these approaches upon youth intoxication values and practices in Sutton. Data informing this chapter mostly stems from formal interviews and observational fieldwork capturing the experiences and views of young people in educational community settings, as well as community professionals in educational spaces. Interview data from young adult drinkers and observational data in Sutton’s Night Time Economy (NTE) settings are also briefly drawn upon to offer a holistic perspective towards alcohol and drug education and policy research (Fletcher, Bonell and Sorhaindo, 2010). Fieldwork revealed that community educational strategies that attempt to shape youth drinking values and practices are often underpinned by prohibition/abstinence messages including: scare tactics, stereotypes and ‘pocket prohibition’. These showed to promote an ephemeral (short-lasting) effect upon young people’s drinking values and practices. Conversely, educational strategies which adopted approaches linked authentically to harm reduction including educational games and open learning environments, appeared to offer greater opportunities to positively shape youth drinking values and practices, which young people then appeared more receptive to utilising in their drinking environments with friends.