Guía para la Validación

The first section of this chapter provides an outline of the initial aims and objectives of the research, and the second section discusses how each objective has been met and provides a discussion of the main findings in relation to each objective.

6.2.1 Outline of aims and objectives

When looking at the Stellenbosch area, several characteristics of a shift towards a more post-productivist countryside can be observed. These processes include, firstly, the use of rural areas for their aesthetic and recreational value; secondly, the re-establishment of lost or damaged habitats; thirdly, better on-farm monitoring of land degradation and the conservation of wildlife habitats; fourthly, a reduction in the intensity of farming; fifth, a shift in food production from quantity to quality; sixth, a return to environmentally sound (green) and sustainable farming techniques; seventh, the gradual removal of state support for agriculture;

and eighth, the creation of a consumptionist countryside as well as the inclusion of emerging farmers, organic farmers and hobby farmers in the broader farming process (Albrecht, 2007;

Ward et al, 2008; Wilson & Rigg, 2003).

It is argued that wine farms can no longer make a living from producing wine only, thus wine farms have increasingly started to diversify their land uses over the past two decades. For example, tourism activities on farms, generating an income beyond conventional farming by focusing more on the ‘consumption’ of land, are becoming more popular. Such tourism activities lead to a reduction in the intensity of farming because the land is used for its aesthetic value. Over the past few decades, the number of farms in the Stellenbosch area offering tourist-related activities has increased dramatically – leading to what one can label a change towards post-productivism.

6.2.1.1 Aim of the study

The aim of this study was to investigate the nature, extent and impact of multiple land uses on the agricultural landscape of Stellenbosch, as a manifestation of a post-productivist mode of agricultural change.

To achieve this aim, the following objectives were completed:

 a literature review on post-productivism

 mapping the spatial distribution of farm-based activities on wine farms within the Stellenbosch area

 compiling a land-use map of the area that investigated the extent of multiple land-use diversification

 analysing the locational relationship between farm-based activities and a range of land-use changes in GIS

 mapping municipal properties and land use on each

 providing a typology of post-productivist, non-agricultural land consumption practices

 conducting a representative sample survey among farm owners/managers who have/have not followed the trend of multiple land-use practices.

6.2.2 Revision of results

This section provides a summary and synthesis of the key issues discussed in Chapters 3 to 5.

6.2.2.1 A changing rural landscape: changes in land cover from 1993 to 2010

When comparing the 1993 and 2010 built-up areas, it becomes clear that a drastic increase in built-up areas has taken place since 1993. A few decades ago, farmers began to diversify their income by introducing alternative functions/facilities (farm based) to the public. The alternative facilities include weddings, conferences, restaurants, accommodation and health resorts. When a farmer decides to introduce these facilities on the farm, redundant buildings on the farm can be restored to accommodate the facilities. In many cases the absence of such buildings necessitates the construction of new buildings specifically for these purposes.

Most of these new developments took place near the urban edge of Stellenbosch, as well as on farms in close proximity to the town, as tourists prefer a shorter travel distance from the town.

The majority of growth in the built-up areas in the study area does not exceed 2 ha in size, indicating the construction of small- to medium-sized buildings. Very little of the built-up area exceeded 2 ha, which indicates the construction of storage rooms and cellars.

Since 1993 there has been an increase in vegetation, of which most is on farmlands near the urban edge of the town of Stellenbosch. These are mainly areas previously covered by fields, or land lying bare. The majority of the growth in vegetation does not exceed 10 ha in size.

These changes took place mainly because of the farmers’ need for extra vegetation for livestock and/or for agricultural purposes. Growth in vegetation can also be linked to tourism, as vegetation contributes a great deal to the aesthetic beauty of the environment, which is regarded as an important factor for tourists.

Changes have taken place in natural bare land since 1993. Most of these changes took place on parcels of farmland further away from the urban edge of the town that were previously covered by fields and vegetation. The majority of these changes do not exceed 10 ha in size.

A possible reason for vegetation changing to bare land could be due to the process of

‘multidimensionality’, in terms of which farmers are concerned less with production and more with the delivery of other environmental and consumer-based benefits. In some cases, farmers are no longer dependent on the income from production, but rather on the income introduced through offering alternative facilities on the farm. Some farmers therefore no longer pay attention to any other land cover on the farm, as they are focused only on tourism-based activities. Nowadays, ‘lifestyle’ owners represent a significant portion of farmland ownership, contributing to the neglect of other land cover types.

When looking at water, significant increases are evident since 1993. Most of these changes occurred on parcels of farmland further from the urban edge of Stellenbosch. It is mainly land previously covered by fields that is now covered with water through the building of dams.

The biggest share of these changes does not exceed 2 ha in size. These dams are used either as drinking holes for livestock, for irrigation, or in some cases serve as tourist attractions. The increase in tourism has led to an increase in water usage, either for drinking, household or recreational purposes. These dams are found near mountainous areas so that runoff water can be collected.

A drastic decrease in fields has taken place since 1993. In cases where increases did occur, these were limited to farmlands outside the urban edge of the town. These changes in land cover mainly do not exceed 10 ha in size. Land covered by fields has been changed to vegetation since 1993. As mentioned earlier, these changes took place mainly because of the farmers’ need for extra vegetation for livestock and/or for agricultural purposes. Growth in vegetation can also be linked to tourism, as vegetation contributes to the aesthetic beauty of

the environment to a great extent, and this is regarded as an important factor to attract tourists to visit a specific farm. The aesthetic beauty of farms is also a major determining factor in foreigners’ choice to buy the farms.

A slight decrease in plantations has occurred since 1993, mainly on farmlands near the urban edge of town. Areas covered with trees have been changed because of a need for more vegetation and agricultural land. The wood from these plantations was mainly sold to the town’s residents as firewood and/or building materials. Where increases did occur, they did not exceed 10 ha in size.

6.2.2.2 Municipal regulations on lease properties and the different uses thereof

Prior to 1994 it was common for municipalities to rent out large portions of their agricultural land to local commercial farmers on a tender basis to the highest bidder at going market rates.

The majority of these contracts were fixed for a very long period. The successful bidders generally agreed contractually to maintain the infrastructure and to return the land in an acceptable condition. Such an arrangement involves minimal transaction costs, no extension services, no facilitation costs, no infrastructure maintenance and an optimal income. With South Africa’s new political dispensation after 1994 it has become a policy recommendation that land should be handed to black aspirant farmers, which many municipalities have failed to do.

There are approximately 85 property units (1 703.13 ha) available for long-term lease from the Stellenbosch Municipality. Sixteen of these units (266.4 ha) are vacant, while the other 69 are leased to either a company or a private individual. When using the averages of the Stellenbosch Municipality’s long-term lease agreements, the Municipality could obtain a revenue of roughly R118 384 172 in a 48-year period

Stellenbosch’s commonage is used for various purposes. Fifty-four percent of these grounds are used for cultivation purposes by the town’s residents (smallholdings). The other 46% can be categorised as being used for business, community service, nature areas, open space, tourism, transport and vacant land.

According to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, municipalities are obligated to use their assets, farmland included, to encourage social integration. The main aim of this is to rectify existing spatial inequalities, promote economic growth, build strong, integrated and dignified communities, as well as provide access to housing, services, amenities, transport and employment opportunities.

It is evident that, up until now, the municipality of Stellenbosch has failed to comply with South Africa’s new political dispensation, which insisted that the land should be transferred to black aspirant farmers. Most land is currently still contract bound to local commercial farmers on a long-term basis.

6.2.2.3 Multiple land use and diversification on Stellenbosch farms

There are 160 wine farms in the Stellenbosch area that are open to the public for a range of consumption practices. Of these 160 farms, 119 offer alternative functions/facilities (multifunctional) to the public as a means of broadening their income. Fifty-four of these 119 farms took part in the study by answering a survey questionnaire, helping to establish the scope of this growing trend in this industry, as well as to determine what has influenced this diversification. The questionnaire also focused on the positive outcomes introduced through this diversity, such as introducing extra and desirable facilities, leading to a vital alternative income.

Attention was paid to the language of the owners, ownership (private/company), crop types on the farms, facilities offered, visitor profiles (South African/international), reasons for diversifying, and the economics of diversified products (weddings, conferences, wine tastings and restaurants), and a comparison was made of the revenue from alternative functions/facilities.

Using data from the 54 multifunctional farms, it became evident that the following revenues can be made from additional facilities/functions. Weddings are responsible for an annual income of R1 389 553, conferences account for R426 685, wine tastings are responsible for R143 454, restaurants for R1 875 000, and accommodation accounts for R2 265 641.

Of the 160 wine farms open to the public, 41 do not offer any alternative functions/facilities besides wine tastings. Thirty-one of these 41 farms took part in the study by filling out a questionnaire.

Attention was paid to ownership (private/company), crop types on the farms, facilities considered in the future, and farmers’ opinions of the Winelands landscape.

An average farm in the study area is roughly 76 ha in size. In the case where a farm does not provide any alternative/extra services as a means of income, income from grapes will amount to about R95 000 per year. The production cost of grapes is about R22 000 per hectare, and the income from grapes is R23 500 per hectare. When taking these figures into account it becomes clear that wine farming alone is not profitable.

There are tremendous differences in farmers’ opinions regarding the Winelands landscape.

Nine statements were made and the farmer had a choice to either strongly agree, agree, strongly disagree, disagree or be neutral in relation to the statement.

The majority of farmers (61%) agreed with the statement that smaller wine farms are more dependent on wine tourism than bigger farms. The next statement made was that ‘the municipality has enough vacant land for land reform’, about which 36% were neutral and 32%

agreed. Twenty-nine percent of the farmers were neutral in opinion on the statement ‘opening up a guesthouse or restaurant on the farm is crucial for survival as a wine farm’, while only 16%

agreed. The majority of farmers (39) were neutral in opinion towards the statement

‘intensifying production to maximise income is crucial for a good quality of living’, while 23%

agreed. Sixty-five percent of the respondents agreed with the statement that ‘experiencing what the wine farm has to offer is the prime motivating factor for wine tourism’. Fifty-five percent of the farmers agreed with the statement that ‘farms on the urban fringe face the threat of increasing urban growth’. Forty-five percent agreed with the statement that ‘there are too many lifestyle farms in Stellenbosch where owners run the farm as a hobby’, while 23%

disagreed. Fifty-five percent agreed with the statement that ‘the fact that foreigners buy farms in large numbers contributes to escalating farm prices’.

When a wine farm offers all the extra facilities discussed, an extra income of approximately R6 099 333 is earned. When looking at the extent of these facilities as an extra income, it is evident that these facilities are responsible for the provision of a very large part of these farms’

income.