HÁBITOS DE CONSUMO DE LA POBLACIÓN ADULTA JOVEN

Within the First Fleet accounts there is a little evidence of the attitudes of Aboriginal people towards the colonists and their colony. Their opinions were rarely solicited

70White ochre.

71 Aboriginal people from Roma, Queensland, now use King as a generic for alcohol (John Ward Watkins, personal communication, Brisbane, May 1988) which may be a testimony to the durability and extent of Bennelong's early influence.

or reported. However, it is clear they were angry about the permanence of the colony and its interference in their use of the land and the harbour. For example, in September 1790, two Aboriginal people 'said that they were inhabitants of Rose Hill, and expressed great dissatisfaction at the number of white men who had settled in their former territories. In consequence of which declaration, the detachment at that post was reinforced on the following day' (Tench 1979:181). Maugoran72 said that the Aborigines at Kayyeemy73 (Manly Cove) were so angry about the colony that they 'would throw spears at any white man' (Phillip 1968:312).

Indeed, if this man's information could be depended on, the natives were very angry at so many people being sent to Rose-Hill. Certain it is that whereever our colonists fix themselves, the natives are obliged to leave that part of the country. (Phillip 1968:312)

Aboriginal people were also fearful of the power of the colonists' guns and this fact was of major assistance to the British in subduing Aboriginal resistance to the colony. At the first demonstration of gunfire the Aboriginal people present

displayed slight alarm overcome by astonishment and later shyness (Tench 1979:37). By 1790, Aboriginal people were very familiar with the aggressive use of guns. For example, Dawes' friend, Patye, told him that the Kamarigals wounded a colonist because they were angry about the colonists remaining in NSW.

I then told her that a whiteman had been wounded some days ago in coming from Kadi to Wäräng and asked her why the black men did it. - Answer. Gülara74 ... (Because they are) angry.

Dawes: Minyin gülara eöra?75 Why are the b.m.76 angry?

Patye: Imyam ngalauof w.m.77 Because the white men are settled here. Patye: Tyerun kamarigäl.78 The kamarigals are afraid.

72Father of Boorong and a kinsman of Bennelong—indicated by the context in which he is mentioned in Phillip (1968:311) and by the fact that Boorong claimed to he related to Bennelong.

74'The place where the Governor was wounded' (Phillip 1968:310).

74gulara 'anger'

7^ minyin gulara yura

why angry people

Why are the people angry: 76b.m. 'black men'

77w.m. 'white men'

inyam ngala-wi waidiman

because sit-3.PL white men

Because the non-Aboriginal people remain. 78 dyirun gamarigal

fear Gamari people

D.: Mmyin tyerun k-gal?79 Why are the k- afraid? P.: Günin.80 Because of the Guns. (Dawes 1790-91)

Blinded by their own self-righteousness, the colonial administration regretted that the Aboriginal population would not accept that the colonisers had any territorial rights. They believed that the hostility between the two peoples rested mainly on this point. In February 1791, Collins commented 'it was much to be regretted...that we had not yet been able to reconcile the natives to the deprivation of those parts of this harbour which we occupied. While they entertained the idea of our having dispossessed them of their residences, they must always consider us as enemies; and upon this principle they made a point of attacking the white people whenever

opportunity and safety concurred' (Collins, vol. 1, 1975:122). Tench offered a rare insight into the reaction of the Aboriginal people to the colonists and their

assessment of colonial culture.

I do not hesitate to declare, that the natives of New South Wales possess a considerable portion of that acumen, or sharpness of intellect, which bespeaks genius. All savages hate toil, and place happiness in inaction: and neither the arts of civilized life can be practised, or the advantages of it felt, without the

application and labour. Hence they resist knowledge, and the adoption of manners and customs, differing from their own...The tranquil indifference, and uninquiring eye, with which they surveyed our works of art, have often, in my hearing, been stigmatized as proofs of stupidity, and want of reflection. But surely we should discriminate between ignorance and defect of understanding. The truth was, they often neither comprehended the design, nor conceived the utility of such works: but on subjects in any degree familiarized to their ideas, they generally testified not only acuteness of discernment, but a large portion of good sense. I have always thought that the distinctions they shewed in their estimate of us, on first entering into our society, strongly displayed the latter quality:—when they were led into our respective houses, at once to be astonished and awed by our superiority, their attention was directly turned to objects with which they were acquainted. They passed without rapture or emotion our

numerous artifices and contrivances: but when they saw a collection of weapons of war, or of the skins of animals and birds they never failed to exclaim, and to confer with each other on the subject. The master of that house became the object of their regard as they concluded he must be either a renowned warrior, or an expert hunter. Our surgeons grew into their esteem from a like cause. (Tench

1979:282)

miny-in dyirun gamarigal

why-AB L fear Gamari people

Why are the Gamari people afraid?

gan -hi

gun ABL

The major inducement offered to the Aboriginal population to become part of the colony was the availability of goods not obtainable from any other source. However, cultivating Aboriginal interest in the food and artefacts of the colony was difficult and took many years of exposure. In early 1788, Tench commented that 'if bread be given to the Indians, they chew and spit it out again, seldom choosing to swallow it. Salt beef and pork they like rather better, but spirits they never could be brought to taste a second time' (Tench 1979:48). Persistent attempts to introduce Aboriginal people to new foodstuffs were successful by the early 1790s. On an expedition inland (discussed above), in April 1791, Tench observed that the Aboriginal people they met were very attracted to the new sources of food. The Aboriginal who accompanied the expedition continually complained that they would rather be at Rose Hill where 'said they, "are potatoes, cabbages, pumpkins, turnips, fish, and wine: here are nothing but rocks and water'" (Tench 1979:229). However, the colonists soon found that they could not supply the Aboriginal population's new found desire for the goods and foodstuffs of the colony. Aboriginal people began stealing whatever they wanted and violent disputes over thefts of garden produce and stores became commonplace.

The metal tools of the colonists had an early appeal to some Aboriginal people. The tools used by convicts were occasionally seized, perhaps as retaliation for the theft of Aboriginal artefacts. For example, in May 1788, a party of Aboriginal men killed some convicts and took their tools leaving their provisions and clothes (Tench

1979:50). By the early 1790s, stealing of the colonists' artefacts was commonplace. Most popular were tools such as hatchets and garden implements. Aboriginal people stole the clothes belonging to people they attacked. They rarely wore the garments but they fashioned pieces of fabric into ornaments. An outstanding example of the audacity of Aboriginal people in stealing from the colonists was the removal of the signal colours, in February 1791.

About the middle of the month a theft of an extraordinary nature was committed by some of the natives. It had been the custom to leave the signal colours during the day at the flagstaff on the south head, at which place they were seen by some of these people who watching their opportunity, ran away with them, and they were afterwards seen divided among them in their canoes, and used as coverings. (Collins, vol. 1, 1975:122)

The Aboriginal woman who taught William Dawes to speak the Sydney

Language, Patye, cooperated with him in return for material rewards. In the minds of people such as Patye life with the colonists was easy and a bit of linguistic adaptation on their part was no trial.

Dawes: Minyin ngymi bial piabüni whiteman?81 Why don't you (scorn to) speak like a whiteman? Patye: Mangabunmga bial.82 "Not understanding this answer I asked her to explain it which she did very clearly, by giving me to understand it was because I gave her victuals, drink and every thing she wanted, without putting her to the trouble of asking for it. (Dawes 1790-1)

Sydney Aboriginal people passed on information about the colonists and their goods to other Aboriginal groups. They often had a chance to do so when

accompanying exploring parties. For example, Colby exchanged information about the colonists with a man from the inland for information about his people.

Colbee in return for this communication, informed him who we were; of our numbers at Sydney and Rose Hill; of the stores we possessed; and above all, of the good things which were to be found among us, enumerating potatoes,

cabbages, turnips, pumpkins, and many other names which were perfectly

unintelligible to the person who heard them, but which he nevertheless listened to with profound attention. (Tench 1979:232)