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Introduction

This chapter identifies three areas of life in which religion has historically played an important part in the United Kingdom and discusses how each of these areas has been affected by the growth in religious diversity. These areas are education, healthcare and death and dying. This chapter informs the dissertation because it illustrates how key areas of life may be informed by religious beliefs and values.

Education

The Christian heritage

Christianity has an historical link with education which dates back to the early public schools which were attached to Anglican churches, chapels and cathedrals, for example Eton, St Pauls and Westminster (Kay, 1997). This was built upon when the popularity of the Sunday school system, which used scripture as a tool for teaching children to read, expanded beyond education on a Sunday into the National Society, an initiative to build schools in England and Wales pioneered by the Church of England (Kay, 1997). Therefore, the influence of Christianity on the education system initially came from the church rather than the state (Dinham & Jackson, 2012).

State involvement with the initial efforts of the church to educate young people began with government funding being provided for voluntary societies such as the National Society to build schools (Marples, 2005). This developed when the Education Act of 1870 meant that board schools were introduced alongside the existing church schools resulting in a dual system (Francis & Robbins, 2005). The 1944 Education Act resolved the dual system by allowing for two differing kinds of

90 church schools, voluntary-aided where the church retained its influence within the school and some financial liability, and voluntary-controlled where the church transferred control and financial liability to the local education authority (Francis & Robbins, 2005). Despite these changes in 1944, the motive of serving the local community with Christian values, and providing an Anglican education for the children of Anglican parents remains a key ethos within some of these schools (Skinner, 2002). Anglican schools must provide an ethos statement which explains from where the policies and strategies of the schools arise (Francis & Robbins, 2005).

More recently, church schools have begun to respond in four ways to the increasingly secular and multi-faith society which the United Kingdom has become: first, by commissioning reports as to how the church schools function in terms of educational content and collective worship, second by adapting their admissions policies to incorporate a theology of service as well as a theology of nurture, third by providing the appropriate resources to teach the fundamentals of the faith which the school ethos demands, and fourth by being distinctive while remaining inclusive (Francis & Robbins, 2005).

This historic relationship between the church and education of young people is an indication of the influences that religious values have nationally had on society within the education system (Dinham & Jackson, 2012). The next section will discuss whether the ethos of these schools and the relationship which they have with the church has an influence on the beliefs and values of their pupils.

Church schools today

The previous section highlighted an historical link between religion and the education system which still remains influential in the United Kingdom. This link

91 has an impact on the beliefs and values of the pupils, teachers and at times the

families of those who attend schools of a religious character such as Anglican schools. Weller (2008) supports this claim by stating that the education system acts as an area in which traditions, identities, and convictions which come from the home are brought into the wider diverse society for interaction with those from differing backgrounds. Weller adds that school is a context in which attitudes and values are formed and which can have an impact on the values which individuals may retain for the rest of their lives.

Studies which have supported the claims which Weller makes include the work of Lankshear (2005) who has found that pupils at Anglican voluntary aided

secondary schools have higher levels of religious values and moral values in comparison to Anglicans attending non-denominational schools. This means that a relationship between school type and values exists and can be demonstrated empirically.

Additionally, a study conducted by Francis and Robbins (2005) which

researched the beliefs and values of teenagers in urban areas of England and Wales found that those attending Anglican schools were more likely to believe in God but were also more concerned with humanitarian values such as world poverty,

highlighting that education in Anglican schools can influence the values of those who experience the system.

More recently, Francis and Penny (2011) have studied the ethos of Anglican secondary schools and their influence on the beliefs and values of the pupils who attend these schools. Francis and Penny conclude that there is a marginal difference between the collective worldview of pupils at an Anglican school in comparison with the collective worldview of pupils at a school which does not have a religious

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New faith schools

In addition to the religious beliefs and values which can be witnessed in the state- maintained education system, there is also a clear development of religious beliefs and values being displayed in the independent education sector, particularly in the last thirty to forty years with the establishment of faith schools. For the purpose of clarity, when referring to faith schools in this section, the definition is intended to cover those schools in the private or independent sector where the school is

exclusively affiliated to a particular religion and the ethos of the school is to pass on this religious faith to the members of the school community, notably including the new independent Christian schools and Muslim schools.

The development of faith schools was based on the example of schools found in countries such as America and Australia. In the United Kingdom these schools are a relatively new phenomena and the earliest records of schools being opened are traced back to the late 1960s and early 1970s. The most substantial growth of these schools, however, occurred during the 1980s (Francis & Robbins, 2005). Faith schools have been set up for the faith groups of Islam, Sikhism and Christianity. While

independent Jewish schools do exist these are more historically established than the new religious schools (Freeman, 2012; Miller, 2001).

The schools were set up by faith groups, officials and parents who deemed the existing education system in the United Kingdom to be unsuitable and unsupportive of the fundamental beliefs and values of their children’s faith (McKinney, 2006; Walford, 2010). The schools were established to be completely separate from the state in terms of funding and control so that the pupils could receive an education which was approved of by the parents and faith groups and not subject to state guidelines or demands (Bluck, Gilliat-Ray, Graham, Singh & Zavos, 2012; Watson, 2003).

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Beliefs and values

The faith schools in the United Kingdom exist to relate the teaching of the religious faith from which they arise to all areas of school life (Francis & Robbins, 2005). Watson (2003) explains how independent Christian schools provide a Christian ethos in both the educational content of the school teaching, but also in the approach to management of the school, by employing staff who are practising members of the Christian community.

These schools support the beliefs and values of the faith through their ability to provide more time for prayer, scripture, and religious sources to teach the curriculum in the timetable. The schools also allow the use of religious references to teach other subjects such as the existence of God to teach probability in mathematics, science lessons which comply with the doctrine of the faith, and teaching creationism

(Freeman, 2012). The curriculum can also teach other religions from the perspective of the faith to which the school belongs (Freeman, 2012).

Studies conducted by Freeman (2012) and Baker (2009) have highlighted how faith schools support and comply with religious values, for example those

concerning women, by establishing separate schools or classes for girls and boys to address concerns about mixed-sex education (Watton, 1993). Additionally, Freeman (2012) argues that the emphasis on academic performance within Islam and the views which state that Islamic education and way of life are both interlinked and the belief that the acquisition of knowledge leads to righteousness, have provided a credible explanation of why providing schools for the Islamic faith has become commonplace.

However, despite the specialist nature of these schools, with religious beliefs and values at their heart, the appeal is not always restricted to those from that

94 found to appeal to those from other faiths who are concerned that their children would not receive an appropriate education elsewhere and would rather their children received an education with religious teachings and moral grounding rather than a secular education (Watson, 2003).

Empirical studies such as the Teenage Religion and Values Project which have included the discussion of beliefs and values in faith schools, have demonstrated that pupils in Christian schools have a positive attitude toward Christianity in comparison to their peers attending secular schools. Additionally, pupils at Christian schools were found to be less favourable toward homosexuality, abortion, smoking, drug taking and drinking. However, the results also highlighted that pupils attending Christian schools were less racist and more concerned with issues of world

development than their peers attending secular schools (Francis & Robbins, 2005). Additional work by Baker (2009) has found the pupil values to be more conservative in the new Christian schools in comparison to their peers at secular schools, thus suggesting that the ethos of the school can become influential to its pupils.

This suggests that faith schools, such as the Christian and Muslim schools, can show signs of the religious beliefs and values of the faith being implemented into the life of the school in many different ways and the empirical studies imply that the religious beliefs and values of the schools also influence the religious beliefs and values of the pupils in attendance there.

Debate

The establishment of independent faith schools has not, however, taken place without debate or reaction from others (Short, 2006). The views in favour and against independent faith schools, for example Christian or Muslim schools, can

95 reflect the religious beliefs and values of others and their attitudes toward other religions and cultures. The most common arguments against faith schools are summarised as follows: first that the schools are divisive and undermine social cohesion (Walford, 2010), second that the teaching can be poor quality because of the teaching being undertaken by faith leaders and parents who may not have

qualified teacher status (Walford, 2010). Watson (2003) then adds that the education provided in the curriculum can be narrow and biased with a reluctance to

acknowledge the beliefs and values of those from other religious traditions. The final criticism of these schools has heightened in recent years with the increased threat of fundamentalist terrorist activity in the United Kingdom. Watson (2003) records the criticism which has stated that, if schools are teaching religious fundamentalist beliefs and values to their pupils, this could be promoting fundamentalist activity.

However, there are also researchers who welcome the establishment of

independent schools of a religious character on four grounds. First, some argue that these schools encourage pupils to have a clear and positive self-awareness of their identity, beliefs and values (Pilkington, 1995; Short, 2002). This self-awareness will increase the likelihood of the pupils having positive values towards others, regardless of religious belief. Second, some argue that faith schools form part of the human rights system which gives all people a right to express their religious beliefs (Marples, 2006). Third, those who have conducted research in these schools, including Freeman (2012) who has conducted qualitative interviews in Muslim independent schools with a specific focus on faith-based education, highlight that the schools are not fragmented from society because in the age of the internet and

heightened communication the young people attending these schools do not live in a vacuum and are aware of the beliefs and values which exist outside of the principles which their schools hold (Freeman, 2012). Finally, advocates of faith schools

96 highlight that there is no evidence to suggest that state schools eliminate religious prejudice any more than a faith school might, thus justifying the existence of independent religious schools (Short, 2002).

The debate which has been briefly summarised here highlights that the matter of faith schools is a contentious issue where debate concerning their existence stems from the beliefs and values of the population.

Conclusion

The brief overview of the relationship between religion and the education system highlights the historic role which religious beliefs and values have played. The discussion of church schools demonstrates how the traditional Christian culture of the United Kingdom is embodied within the state-maintained education system, with the beliefs and values of Christianity lying at the heart of the school, and outreaching to those in the local community as well as those in the Christian community. A sign that the religious landscape of the United Kingdom is in transition is demonstrated by the increase of faith schools to reflect the beliefs and values of those from a range of religious and denominational backgrounds. Regardless of the different religious doctrines which have prompted the need for these schools, the fact that religious beliefs and values are still considered as something of worth within the education system indicates not only that religious beliefs and values influence society but that society has become increasingly religiously diverse.

Healthcare

The Christian heritage

The Christian heritage of healthcare is demonstrated by the way that historically hospitals were set up by religious orders to fulfil their Christian vocation of caring

97 for others. Porter (1993) mentions the religious philanthropy encouraged by clergy which led to the development of hospitals during the eighteenth and nineteenth century, such as St George’s hospital, and Guys and St Thomas hospital in London, frequently named after saints. Granshaw (1993) also argues that hospitals were originally attached to churches and monasteries, meaning that later purpose-built hospitals modelled that of ecclesiastical buildings and included a chapel as a central architectural focus (Neuberger, 1999). Despite the nationalisation of the health service in 1948 some of the signs of the original Christian heritage within the hospital as mentioned above still remain.

In addition, the establishment of the hospice movement, pioneered by Christian charities (Wright, 2001), and often accompanied by a religious ethos, provides another demonstration of how the Christian heritage was at the heart of care of patients suffering from cancer. While the religious ethos is no longer primarily obvious throughout the hospice movement, and staff are not required to be religious, the underlying religious values must be in sympathy with the original values of the hospice (Maclaren, 2003).

Patients’ attitudes to healthcare

Despite the nationalisation of the health service and its move away from religion, patients’ attitudes to healthcare may be influenced by their religious beliefs. Three examples where patient attitudes toward healthcare and religious beliefs or values are intertwined are their attitudes to accessing health care, attitudes to transplants, and their spiritual needs.

First, religious beliefs and values are reflected in whether or not patients choose to access medical care. For example a study of South Asian students discovers that ethnic identity, cultural mistrust and adherence to traditional Asian values all

98 influence the lower likelihood of an individual from that community accessing psychological and medical help (Soorkia, Snelgar, & Swami, 2011).

Furthermore, in the case of accessing healthcare when an individual’s belief is particularly orthodox or strong, it has been highlighted that a patient might be prevented from doing so because turning to a healthcare professional may imply the patient is not fully reliant on God (Dein, 2011). This tendency to avoid or be

prevented from access to healthcare among religious and ethnic minorities is often due to religious or cultural differences, as well perhaps as language and

communication difficulties (Gatrad, 2000), and mistrust of the medical profession because of its western ethos which differs in many ways from an eastern ethos (Sheikh, 2007; Siriwardena and Clark 2004).

Second, the areas of organ donation and transplants are some of the clearest examples of where the religious beliefs and values of the patient have to be taken into consideration by the healthcare system (Alkhawari, Stimson, & Warrens, 2005). Although there is little evidence that any of the six major world religions prohibit the practice of organ donation or transplant (Gillman, 1999), studies have shown that some members of religious faiths express uncertainty as to the guidance which their faith gives concerning organ donation and transplant (Randhawa, 1998). Randhawa has highlighted that this is of significance in some regions of the United Kingdom, where the Asian population are represented disproportionately more on waiting lists for organ transplants, but confusion still arises as to whether their faith allows it. Some religious groups have assisted with the need for better communication

concerning religious values and organ donation such as the document released by the Muslim Law Council which confirms the positive attitude toward organ donation and transplant (Gillman, 1999). This acts as a sign that the religious beliefs and values lie at the heart of society within its different areas.

99 Third, the spiritual needs of a patient provide an accurate indication of religious beliefs and values being of significance to the way in which the healthcare system operates. Illness and the need for healthcare can often cause patients to confront their belief systems, their ultimate values, and the relationships which they have with others (Wright, 2001). Because of the salience of these questions about ultimate values and fundamental beliefs during illness and while receiving medical care, patients may experience faith loss, changes to their faith, or even a strengthening of their faith. Furthermore, studies which examine the religious and spiritual care offered to patients have confirmed that, when spiritual needs of patients are addressed, the morale of a patient has been discovered to improve (Siriwardena & Clark, 2004; Sheikh, 2007). This demonstrates not only how society shaping in the mould of the beliefs and values of the people who live in it can be positive but also give an inclination of how important the beliefs and values of those in society are.

Healthcare professionals

The transition from a predominantly Christian society into a multi-religious one has caused the need for a deeper awareness of the diversity of religious beliefs and values among healthcare practitioners, working in hospitals and hospices across the United Kingdom (Taylor, 2009). For healthcare professionals, such as doctors and nurses, there has been an increased awareness of the broad range of issues resulting

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