There are various models of boarding in Australia, with two main categories that are outlined in the next chapter. Briefly, the first category involves high-cost independent schools based in urban centres
category operates somewhat closer to home for Aboriginal students, with boarding programs in remote locations offering accommodation for students from surrounding communities. Both options were in effect championed by the Northern Territory and Australian Governments following the A Share in the Future review (Wilson, 2014), to address issues related to opportunities, social capital and practical reconciliation. However, besides the review submissions and recommendations, little independent evidence was provided as the basis of the Northern Territory’s further commitment of significant resources to increase the proportion of students from remote locations transitioning to boarding schools. Initiatives, guided by principles that formed the backbone of the Indigenous Education Strategy (Northern Territory Department of Education, 2015b), were coordinated with existing funding mechanisms, including Australian Government support provided through ABSTUDY, IYLP and AIEF funding. Principles incorporated a belief in the social and economic benefits of education, respect for students and culture, community engagement and choice, resource decision-making driven by evidence-based practices, and autonomy. An underlying ethos of
accountability placed alignment with Northern Territory Government policies foremost in relation to meeting the needs of Aboriginal students (Northern Territory Department of Education, 2015a, p. 5). Approximately 700 Aboriginal students attend boarding schools in the Northern Territory and about 1000 attend boarding schools interstate (Guenther & Fogarty, 2018). In funding terms, analysis showed that as per-student funding to very remote schools in other jurisdictions increased from 2009 by a considerable measure, the Northern Territory’s funding for very remote schools remained stagnant. In contrast, non-government schools increased recurrent funding per student by 30% (Guenther, 2016, para. 11, 12), although attendance was on par with government schools or slightly lower. In the Closing the Gap Report 2019 (Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2019, p. 65), the Australian Government declared an investment of $38.1 million over five years in recognition of the 50th anniversary of ABSTUDY, to improve support for school attendance and retention, and
support Year 12 attainment for over 5,000 Aboriginal students and their families. The continuing need for specific funding allocations, coupled with a seemingly endless parade of reports and inquiries (Dow & Gardiner-Garden, 2011; Gardiner-Garden, 1999), has led to an erosion of trust in the capacity of governments to provide an equitable education for Aboriginal students, particularly those from remote communities, and a lack of belief that the situation can change (Allam, 2020).
An analysis of submissions to the Educational opportunities for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students inquiry (Guenther, Milgate, et al., 2016; Parliament of Australia, 2016) revealed a large body of knowledge and experience and numerous oft-cited issues, including: remote education as an issue, funding and boarding, quality, post-secondary school career pathways, and partnerships and
system required an overhaul in order to sufficiently meet the educational needs of Aboriginal students.
Qualitative research, particularly the doctoral and subsequent work by Mander (2012, 2015), has sought to articulate, and perhaps quantify, the contemporary experiences of Aboriginal boarding students in Western Australia, including their transition to boarding school and the impacts of limited schooling options on parents, families and communities. Teachers’ perceptions, and students’
reflections of their classroom learning environment were also explored. Family support, the
friendship, humour and understanding of Aboriginal peers, and maintenance of cultural identity were factors contributing to Aboriginal students’ perceptions of their experience (Mander, 2012, p. 248). Incidents of prejudice, covert racism, and teachers’ lack of cultural awareness contributed to negative impacts such as “greater emotional symptoms, as well as greater levels of indicators associated with depression, anxiety and stress when compared with non-boarding students” (Mander & Lester, 2017, p. 142).
Inclusive school environments are important for the continued wellbeing of students. For these environments to be developed, “school leaders have to drive professional development in cultural competency” (Partington, 2012, as cited in Mander, 2015, p. 180) and assume a “pivotal” role in creating inclusive school cultures (Gower & Byrne, 2012, as cited in Mander, 2015, p. 180):
If boarding schools are to be places in which Aboriginal students feel safe and confident to express a sense of self and cultural identity, … [schools must] promote school practices that positively embrace the complexity and diversity of socio-cultural realities that construct and give meaning to Aboriginal students’ life-worlds … Hence, professional development assisting staff at boarding schools to empathise with the significance of culture to Aboriginal boarding students represents a key area of need. (Mander et al., 2015, p. 34)
In the South Australian context, research by Benveniste, Guenther, et al. (2014) highlighted the need for better modes and quality of communication between schools and caregivers, indicating this may improve the experience of students and their families. Other qualitative studies have critiqued the “role of residence” and the capacity of boarding schools to achieve the vaunted outcomes of
reconciliation, self-determination and the ability to “walk in two worlds” (Benveniste et al., 2015, p. 166). Doctoral research by Stewart (2015) revealed that in the Far North Queensland context, a significant number of Aboriginal students from remote communities do not complete their first year in a southern boarding school, are unable thus to complete Year 12 and disengage prematurely from formal education (Stewart, 2015, p. 3). The challenges of being separated from family, friends and community can result in a “de-enrolling event” and subsequent failure to resume schooling after “self-
Intentional partnerships may be one way of addressing the issue of non-completion, with
communication between remote schools and boarding schools ensuring a smooth transition, hence benefitting the student in a multitude of ways (O'Bryan, 2015, as cited in Guenther, Milgate, et al., 2016, p. 4). Studies in the Central Australian context suggested that many families view boarding as a viable option for their children, holding positive views on the potential benefits for strengthening Aboriginal students, and yet will only access this option and its benefits depending on family and community priorities and needs at the time (Guenther, Milgate, et al., 2016, p. 4). This may seem arbitrary but represents the consciously constructed decision-making process of Aboriginal families, in which a range of options for educational pursuits are considered valid, including remaining ‘on country’ in preference to following a prescriptive ‘one size fits all’ model touted by government and non-government boarding school advocates.
Research by the Cooperative Research Centre-Remote Economic Participation (Ninti One CRC-REP, 2020) has not focused specifically on boarding but provided three supporting reasons for the argument of parental choice. Firstly, though boarding school was viewed by participants as “a transition space between community, school and career” (Guenther, Disbray, et al., 2016, p. 131), the informants felt transition processes should be supportive and at an appropriate level for student success. Secondly, “relationships, structures and environments which give young people a positive experience” (Guenther, Disbray, et al., 2016, p. 131) were essential and assisted students to navigate the residential experience. Thirdly, “family influence and support for young people going to boarding” (Guenther, Disbray, et al., 2016, p. 131) was raised by informants as significant, lending weight to the suggestion that the relationship between school and family is a key factor for successful experiences. Guenther, Milgate, et al. (2016) discussed the establishment of a boarding school in the Kimberley Region of Western Australia that represented one example of partnerships between remote
communities and urban boarding schools. Few others have been documented or independently evaluated. According to Guenther, Milgate, et al. (2016), the touting of catchphrase terms such as ‘best practice’, ‘what works’, ‘innovation’ and ‘culturally responsive’ boarding (Australian Indigenous Education Foundation, 2015; Perso, 2012; What Works, 2012; Wilson, 2014) seems to indicate that the ‘answer’ to the challenge of providing an equitable education for remotely based Aboriginal students is known and achievable. And yet, the recurrent situation in which academic parity and retention through Year 12 and beyond for the majority of Aboriginal students is not reached indicates that these answers are either not working or not enough. Guenther, Milgate, et al. (2016) suggest that while best practice solutions portray complex problems as simple, this is not the case. Simplistic and generalised ‘answers’ that are unvalidated or not evaluated in measurable or visible terms will not provide the necessary solution.
The substantial work of Mander (2012, 2015); Guenther et al. (2020); Guenther, Milgate, et al. (2016); Stewart (2015); and other researchers cited in this review of current literature, provide a modicum of much-needed insight into this very specific field of education. Boarding school has not been presented, by the aforementioned researchers, as a panacea for remote communities nor is it treated as a pariah. Community leadership, capacity-building and social cohesion are positive aspects of enhanced educational outcomes in remote communities. Self-concept, self-esteem and self-identity are enriched when Aboriginal students are engaged, feel supported and have a sense of belonging in their learning environments (Partington, 2003).
Questions have been posed, potential solutions offered, and the complexity of the educational context acknowledged in the research to date. The importance of considering the interconnection and
interrelatedness of policy and practice with the social and cultural needs of family and community has been reiterated in reviews and reports. However, in the researcher’s opinion, certain practical
knowledge is missing from the writings, such as how schools respond successfully to the consultation needs identified by Aboriginal parents and students.
It is necessary to provide aspirational pathways to enhance the ability of Aboriginal students to construct meaningful futures for themselves and their communities, in other words, to achieve self- determination. The perspectives of Aboriginal parents and the abovementioned issue of teachers and teaching will be discussed in the following sections.