Historia del Quichua en el Ecuador

As already noted, it is important to look at the symbols that were included in depictions of royal ancestors, and how these may have affected the memory that was developed relating to these individuals. Two of the clearest symbols are the crowns that are worn, and the epithets that accompany the depictions.

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3.6.1.2.1. CROWNS

There do not appear to be clear rules governing the details of the scenes in this chapter, such as the crowns worn by each figure. For example, Amenhotep I wears the xprS crown three times,173 and the wig with sSd band and Swty crown twice,174 while Thutmose I wears the Swty with horns and a sun disk.175 As a prince, Ahmose Sipair wears the simpler wig with band.176 The use of the xprS as a crown for Amenhotep I brings to the fore an interesting issue; as noted above, this crown is often understood as being linked with coronation, marking the wearer as the legitimate heir to the throne (Collier 1996: 123, V. Davies 1982: 75).177 But, if this were the intended meaning of the crown, then surely one would expect it to be worn by the living king, emphasising his legitimate claim to the throne and not by his ancestor. One is left, therefore, with three possibilities. The first is that the intention was to mark Amenhotep I, the credited founder of the New Kingdom period of stability, as the legitimate heir to the throne, a right which was then passed to his successors. This is possible, although it does require a slightly altered understanding of the importance of the crown, and is at odds with scenes such as that noted above, in which Ramesses III wears the xprS to lead a line of his ancestors, who all wear the nms (Collier 1996: 123-124).

The second possibility is that as well as being seen as portraying the legitimacy of the king and his link to Amun, the xprS was also understood as a crown of war, marking the king as a strong and powerful general.178 Collier, however, (1996: 116-117) dismisses this claim,

173 D10T07, D14T11, D14T12. 174 D09T06, D14T10. 175

D07T03. In this depiction one of the statues of the living king, Amenhotep II, wears the same crown, while the majority of statues of Amenhotep II wear a wig with uraeus.

176 D09T06. 177 See ch. 3.4.4. 178 See Collier (1996: 116-117).

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noting the many other contexts in which the crown is found, a claim that is backed up by the evidence from this study. This is supported by V. Davies (1982: 75-76), who suggests that the coronation of the king was not only a political moment, but also included his triumph over his enemies, which may explain the implied military connection. This alternative understanding of the crown does, however, act as a reminder that the meanings of the crowns worn by Egyptian rulers are not always entirely certain, and that there may be more than one possible interpretation of their value.

A third possibility, and the one that seems most appealing, is that there was a cultic statue of Amenhotep I wearing the xprS in the area, and that the image in the tomb represents this statue. D. Redford (1986: 53) suggests that there were several statues of Amenhotep I in the west of Thebes, each of which wore a difference crown, including one that wore the xrpS. Bruyère (1939: 176-178) also understood these different crowns as being worn by cultic statues, to represent different aspects of Amenhotep I, with the xprS showing him as the king of Upper Egypt, linking him with Amun-Ra.179 While this does not dismiss the symbolic importance of the crown, it places the emphasis on the tomb owner copying a cult statue rather than on his choosing the xprS for its symbolic function.

The Swty crown, as worn by Amenhotep I and Thutmose I, had links with the gods Andjety, Osiris and Tatenen (Collier 1996: 53). When worn by the king, however, its primary

symbolism was with Horus (Collier 1996: 58); Collier notes that the Swty worn with the sSd band was explicitly linked with the god Horus in a New Kingdom stela which reads, ‘I have purified the head of Horus when he has received his sSd. O I have fastened for his Swty’.180 Its

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This different understanding of the meaning of this crown is a reminder that there is no definitive interpretation.

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use in depictions of Amenhotep I may, therefore, be understood as linking him with the god in his role as the living king of Egypt. This links to the previously discussed meaning of the

xprS, suggesting that the various crowns worn by the deceased king may have emphasised his

eternal position as the living king of Egypt, linked with the gods.

Of the female figures five wear the vulture crown although while Ahmose-Henut-Tamehu and Ahmose-Inhapy wear it on its own,181 Ahmose-Nefertari wears it with the modius182 and with the Swty.183 She also wears just theSwty in one depiction184 and the Swty with a sun disc and fillet in another.185

The vulture crown is linked with the goddess Nekhbet186 and could be seen as emphasising the maternal aspects of the queen; Nekhbet is mentioned in several texts in her role as the protector of the king.187 Troy (1986: 116-117) also notes that the vulture was recognised as a protective symbol in early iconography, for example on the wedding mace-head of Narmer, where it is shown over the kiosk of the king, although the use of the vulture crown for the queen is not confirmed before the Fifth Dynasty. The use of the vulture as the hieroglyph for ‘mother’ further emphasises the maternal and protective aspect of this symbol.

While some of the crowns include a vulture on the brow of the queen (for example D05T02), others show a cobra on her forehead (for example D10T07). The cobra is linked with the goddess Wadjet. While the vulture, Nekhbet, was the goddess of Upper Egypt, Wadjet was

181

D05T02. 182

D05T01, D10T07, D14T11. The modius is also referred to in literature as the ‘platform crown’ (see Troy (1986: 121-122).

183

D09T05. 184

D14T10; it is possible that she also wears the vulture crown as part of the scene is destroyed. 185

D14T12. 186

See Troy (1986: 118-119) for discussion of other evidence of the connection between the queen and Nekhbet. 187

See Allen (2005: 178) for PT 509 which reads, ‘[May you defend him Nekhbet] when you have [defended] Pepi, Nekhbet’.

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the goddess of Lower Egypt (Troy 1986: 116). The use of the cobra ornament, therefore, provides a link with another goddess, again with multiple symbolism.188 The use of symbols of the two goddesses represent the dual nature of the queen, in her relationship with the two lands of Egypt, the sky and the earth, and even perhaps as mother and daughter (Troy 1986: 122-123).189

Similarly Troy (1986: 126) writes that ‘the parallelism of the two feathers [Swty] reiterates the theme of feminine duality as a generative force’, again emphasising the dual nature of the queen. Found in relation to queens from the Thirteenth Dynasty, the Swty became a common headdress for queens in the Eighteenth Dynasty, particularly when combined with the vulture crown (Troy 1986: 126); the frequent combination of the two crowns supports the theory that their symbolism was interlinked. The use of the Swty could also be connected to a belief that the two feathers represented the two horizons and the flat base was a symbol of Khemmis (Mercer 1942: 148) which, as the place where Isis raised Horus, emphasised the maternal aspect of the queen.190 This theory is supported by the occasional addition of a sun-disc between the feathers (Troy 1986: 126). Again, the symbolism of the Swty is closely connected with that of the vulture crown.

The crowns of the queen may also have served to emphasise her connection with the king. The Swty is also worn by the pharaoh in depictions and may, therefore, have represented the close links between the queen and the king; it has been argued by Troy (1986: 126) that the

Swty became an ‘established part of the iconography of royal women’ while the Atf crown was

more closely linked with the king. Robins (1997: 67) has also suggested that through linking

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Troy (1986: 121-122) notes that the modius may also have been linked with Wadjet. 189

Troy (1986: 122-123) suggests that the use of cobra and vulture symbols may have differentiated between mother and daughter roles, although this cannot be confirmed.

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the queen with both Nekhbet and Wadjet, the vulture crown emphasised her divine nature alongside that of the king.

As can be seen, the crowns worn by male and female royal ancestors can be connected with varying symbolisms. These connections must, however, be discussed with caution as there is no clear pattern for use, particularly with regards to male individuals; it must, therefore, be acknowledged that the choice of headdress may have been less related to symbolism and more to do either with the personal choice of the tomb owner or artisan, or the headdresses with which they were familiar, possibly those worn by cult statues.191 This does not, however, mean that such symbols are irrelevant; while the level to which individuals understood their symbolism cannot be confirmed, they demonstrate ideas that were put forward by the state (for example through the statues used in festivals), ideas which are likely to have permeated society to at least some degree.

3.6.1.2.2. EPITHETS

The epithets included in the depictions follow the standard form for royal images; phrases included to describe the king are nb-tAwy (‘Lord of the Two Lands’),192 nsw-bit (‘King of Upper and Lower Egypt’),193

and nTr-nfr (‘[good] god’).194 Quinn (1991: 172) has suggested that nb-tAwy and nTr-nfr were usually attached to a living king, a hypothesis that Malek (2000: 241) has supported with regards the epithet nTr-nfr. This suggests that the deceased king was not seen as fundamentally different to the living one. This idea can be understood as a part of a culture in which the dead were perceived as being very much a part of the world of the

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The intentions of the tomb owner are discussed in more detail below, see ch. 3.6.1.3. 192 D14T11. 193 D09T04. 194 D09T06.

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living with ancestor busts195 letters to the dead196 and Ax iqr (n Ra) stelae197 playing a part in everyday life. Of course, this is not to say that the ancient Egyptians did not differentiate between ‘living’ and ‘dead’; terms for deceased beings such as Ax198

show an

acknowledgement of the difference and so it should not be assumed that the Egyptians did not recognise this.

Instead it is possible that the difference was not perceived in relation to royal figures. Festival statues of these kings and queens were used even after the death of the individual. This is supported by the scene in TT93 (D07T03) which shows statues of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut being used in a procession in the reign of Amenhotep II.199 The popular cult of Amenhotep I and Ahmose Nefertari, as clearly recorded in tomb scenes in the Nineteenth Dynasty,200 is further evidence of the continued use of statues of royal ancestors.201 It is then, perhaps, unsurprising that the living king and his ancestors were seen in much the same way, and were given the same epithets.

The female figures are described as Hmt nsw,202 sAt nsw203 and, in the case of Ahmose- Nefertari Hmt-nTr.204 The first two can be seen as primarily aimed at clarifying the woman’s

195

See, for example, Gardiner and Sethe (1928). 196

See Friedman (1985). 197

See Demarée (1983) 198

See Gardiner (1957: 550). Otto (1975: 50) writes that the Ax denotes the ‘Mächtigen Toten’ (‘mighty dead’). Demarée also discusses New Kingdom stelae which were dedicated to the Ax iqr n Ra; he concludes that the term Ax was used to denote the ‘blessed state of the deceased’ but was also tied to other factors including the

completion of ritual acts, successful travel to the afterlife and possibly even the moral character of the individual (Demarée 1983: 193-194). Von Lieven (2010: 1) suggests that the rank of Ax iqr n Ra was the first step on the road to deification for deceased humans; many individuals who reached this status never evolved further although a small number rose to be venerated as ‘local patrons’.

199

See above, ch. 3.3.3.2, for discussion of the inspiration behind this scene. 200

See Černý (1927), Hollender (2009) for discussion of the cult of the pair, and related tomb depictions. 201

Although, as already noted, the cult of these two may not have been entirely representative of royal cults. 202

‘King’s wife’, for example in D07T03. 203 _{‘King’s daughter’, as in D05T02.} 204

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position in the royal family;205 by emphasising their connection with the pharaoh, the state ensured the legitimacy of any future offspring. The term ‘god’s wife’ used to describe Ahmose-Nefertari206 is linked with her position as the wife of Amun and the mother of the king.207 The God’s Wife (of Amun) had a dual role; she was involved in ritual performance relating to her position, and she played an important part in the ideology of divine kingship (Troy 1986: 97). She, therefore, was a key figure in the legitimation of the king, confirming not only his legitimacy as a descendant of the king of the past, but also his position as a child of the gods.