Since the time of Tocqueville, scholars have argued that civil society can strengthen the democracy, in particular through active associational life (Tocqueville 1961 [1835/1840], Gundelach and Torpe 1997, Verba, Lehman Schlozman and Brady 1995). In his article: ‘Social and Cultural Integration in a Civil Society’, Bauböck emphasizes the importance of civil society as the
strength of the receiving society in the integration of immigrants (Bauböck 1996:70, Chapter 4). According to Bauböck ‘civil society is that model of modern society which underlies normative theories of liberal democracy’ (ibid:70). With liberal democracy he refers to the existing forms of formal equality, which enables the existence of liberty, such as the freedom to choose and to participate in a society. Furthermore, civil society can create hope for solidarity, ‘which underpins social integration in open, anonymous and heterogeneous societies’ (ibid:70). Bauböck’s model can be perceived as the ideal image of a civil society. In reality, the strengthening connection between ‘forms of equality’ and social integration can remain vague if the majority and minority perceptions of ‘equality’ do not meet each other.
Today, the definition of civil society has often been differentiated from the economic and state sphere and also outside the sphere of family (Fennema 2004:429). According to Young:
Civil society refers to a third sector of private associations that are relatively autonomous from both state and economy. They are voluntary, in the sense that they are neither mandated nor run by the state institutions, but spring from the everyday lives and activities of communities of interest. The associations of this third sector, moreover, operate not for profit.
Young (2000:158). Young’s description of civil society is suited to describe in particular the voluntary associations’ connection to the state in the United States and in several Western European countries. In Finland, many voluntary associations are partly depended on state subsidies and cannot be separated as clearly from the state as in the example above.
Voluntary associations and networks are in the core position in civil society by forming ‘the organizational substratum of the general public of citizens’ (Habermas 2004: 367). Still, it should not be taken for granted that civil society would be morally better than some other parts of society, e.g. its political or economic sphere (Ilmonen 2007:12). The elements for constructive democratic life, such as voluntary associations can also be used against itself, by applying them for the interest of the individuals or groups, whose ideology is
is established on a form of solidarity that may be described as conventional or reflexive depending of the ideology of the type of group (Gundelach and Torpe 1997:48-49). Conventional solidarity is based on a strong “we” vision: common values and struggles where also ethical and ethnic values are shared. Instead the reflexive solidarity can be described as ‘generalised reciprocity’ that is based on difference and mutual trust. For example only the latter form of solidarity can be kept together by a democratic nation that consists of citizens is with diverse form of interests and values (ibid). Both form of solidarity can strengthen the collective identity of members of an association or a network. In the good sense the associations can strengthen the democratic process by encouraging citizens to participate actively in civil society. A lack of solidarity can take place in the form of political powerlessness, when the leader of an ethnic association gives precedence to the political interest of the majority population instead of the political interest expressed by his association (Martiniello 1993, 1997). The importance of gaining access to cooperation in civil society is unquestionable in particular for groups who are marginalised from society. It can be assumed, that immigrant associations which have a strong conventional solidarity and a trustworthy leader who possesses good contacts with civil servants can influence the planning and policy-making in civil society. According to Young:
Civil society enables the emergence of public spheres in which differentiated social sectors express their experience and formulate their opinions. Perhaps, even more importantly, the public sphere enables citizens to expose injustice in state and economic power and make the exercise of power more accountable. Through public discussion and agitation, moreover, citizens can and sometimes do influence the politics of state or corporate institutions or catalyse practical changes within civil society itself.
Young (2000:155)
Finnishvoluntaryassociations
Since nation-building, the Finnish state has had a close connection with voluntary associations, including trade unions, which have played an important role in the creation of civic interests and knowledge at state level (Kettunen
2001). In Finland, the concept ‘civil society’ has (had) a political dimension in the ideological discussion illustrated by social movements and by an active associational life (Alapuro and Stenius 1987, Helander 1998).
The establishment of formal associations is connected with the mobilisation of Finns from the time of the autonomous Grand Duchy under the Russian empire to independence (1880-1917) and with the cycle of movements at the beginning of the 20th century. In the 19th century the expansion of associational life was not seen as a radical outcome of events but more as natural part of the creation of democracy (Stenius 1987). The time of independence and the creation of Finnish nationalism is also characterised by collective movements and organisations where both upper and middle class members took part (Alapuro and Stenius 1998:18-19). Social movements, that often have their basis in political and economical changes, play an important role in the establishment of associations. For example, economic crisis can lead to collective organisation in the form of protest movements, where the establishment of an association can be either a side or end product (Siisiäinen 1991). This has also been the case in the early years of Finnish independence. The distinction of an association as ideological or economic was in many cases vague and caused a long discussion on the status and role of an association (Alapuro and Stenius 1987:29). From the creation of the association law in 1918 until now, registration of an association has played an important role in the establishment process. By registration, the association receives its legal and official status and this has been important in the claims-making of interests and in the protection of the rights of its members (Siisiäinen 2003). In comparison to informal groups and networks, associations have more legal power in decision making. The label of an association doesn’t only symbolise its official status, but makes the allocation of subsidies and cooperation with authorities possible (ibid).
In the late 20th century associations were characterised by a new kind of organisation: old, hierarchical structures are replaced by social and flexible
networks where the connections of the members were significant (Siisiäinen 2002a, 2003). Interactive networks in an association allow rapid exchange of information and creation of new contacts beyond national borders. These are
membership is based more on individual experiences and interests than on collective solidarity. This does not mean that collective solidarity has disappeared from associations, it has just become more member centred. Furthermore, the goals of modern associations have become more separate and specific, such as “extreme sport” or “immigrants women’s” associations (Siisiäinen 2002a). Instead, interest towards politics and ideology has diminished (ibid).
Several of the late 20th century associations focussed their goals on service
production rather than on ideological goals or on the supervision of the interests
of members (Siisiäinen 2002a, Helander 2004b). The latter has been one of the main goals within older associations. The allocation of subsides is strongly connected to cooperation with official institutions, such as community boards for culture and sport or with Ministry of Education (Saksela 2003:266).
Associations that have been established since the 1990s emphasise the role of
interaction and communication between members and society (Helander 1988,
Siisiäinen 2002a, 2003). New technical innovations in the form of internet and mobile telephone have increased the speed and amount of communication also beyond national borders (Castells 1989, 2004, Hannerz 1996). The associations from the 1990’s are more adapted to global changes than the old ones8. The former have their focus on interaction and fluid communication, such as networking and internet connections. Another significant feature of late 20th century associations is the intensified cooperation with local and regional authorities. Creation of contacts with authorities is important in subsidy allocation and in getting support with finding localities (Saksela 2005). In a study done on modern associations in Finland it turned out that associations pay attention particularly to: 1) the sharing of information, 2) spreading information about their own association, 3) organising training courses and 4) the supervision of the interests of members (Siisiäinen 2002a:29, for the study see also Siisiäinen 2002b). It doesn’t mean that the importance of the individual has diminished. On the contrary, the emphasis is more on the social
8 Scholars have paid attention to the global influence of high-technology on our daily living, for example the discussion of “global networks” by Manuel castells (2004), the “reformation of the state structures” by immanuel wallerstein (1980, 2000) or “the formation of transnational capitalist class” described by leslie Sklair (2001).
contacts of the members9. There are signs that members with a position in a community delegation or contacts to it are more easily selected to the board in an association (Helander 2004b:69).
Theuseofcivilsocietyandthirdsector
In their studies of Finnish voluntary associations scholars have started to use the third sector instead of civil society. The concept of the third sector was initially introduced by Amtai Etzioni in the 1970s. In the 1990s, during the recession the third sector concept gained popularity in the discussion of voluntary associations as social service providers (Helander 1998:52, Siisiäinen 2002a). An association can be categorised to belong to the third sector if it fulfils the following criteria. A third sector association is characterised by its institutional form (e.g. it is registered and has rules for its members), private (based on a number of members), non-profit, autonomic and voluntary (Helander 1998:53). (See also Chapter 3).
In this study, the use of civil society is too broad and does not include the immigrant associations’ interaction with civil servants. The third sector, in turn refers only to associations and leaves immigrant groups and civil servants outside. Therefore, I make a distinction between civil servants and immigrant associations by naming the former as ‘institutional actors’ and the latter as ‘grassroots actors’. Additional grassroots actors are Finnish voluntary associations, ethnic groups and communities of the immigrants.
The Figure 2.5 shows the key actors of this study and how they interact with each other. The grassroots level actors are studied in the exploration of the Research Questions 1 and 2, whereas the institutional actors are studied in the analysis of the Research Questions 3 and 4. Finally, the core questions of this study, Research questions 5 and 6 are studied with the help of features of interaction.
9 for further reading on human capital see Bourdieu and Passeron (1977), and on social capital coleman (1988), Putman (1993). Social capital consisting of relationships and social networks also play an important role among the transnational activities organised by immigrants and their associations
GRASSROOTS ACTORS Actors:
- Immigrant associations In connection with: - Ethnic group(s) and
their communities - Finnish voluntary associations Influenced by: - Immigration process - Ethnic identity - Intersectionality SOCIETAL DOMAIN 1. Socio-economic 2.Cultural 3.Political INSTITUTIONAL ACTORS Actors:
Civil servants at local and national level working with integrative issues Influenced by:
- Legislation and directives - Counselling bodies - Integrative programmes POWER RELATIONS Power Mobilisation - Activation Participation - Representation INTERACTION
Figure 2.5 Interaction between grassroots actors and institutional actors