3. Marco metodológico
4.2 Impuesto predial unificado
4.2.4 Imposición de tarifas del impuesto predial
Four purchasing patterns with respect to organic products were distinguished among the consumers in this study (apart from that of never buying these products). There is a pattern in which products are bought coincidentally and a pattern in which one (or a very few) specific products are bought. Among regular users there is also a pattern in which products are bought within several categories (three or more) and a pattern in which a generalized preference for organic products across all food product categories has evolved. Regular users that display a generalized preference towards organic products were designated as
dedicated organic users.
In actual shopping situations, the substitution strategies adopted by dedicated and other regular are not notably dissimilar. Very often treason is employed when a sought for organic product is sold out. At a more reflective level, however, regular users also employ loyalty strategies when choosing a venue for shopping. All regular users choose shopping environments in which it is expected (and known beforehand) that their sought for organic products are available. In this way they maximize the chances of not having to substitute their preferred products. However, the choices made by these two subgroups of regular users have different consequences. Dedicated regular users choose shops known to have a very large stock of organic products. This strategy entails that they can maximize the chances of being able to substitute a sought for organic product by means of close substitution (e.g. choosing organic kiwi instead of organic plums). Other regular users choose shopping venues that accord with their overarching thrifty orientation. This entails that they have access to a moderate supply of organic goods within a limited number of product categories.
It thus transpires that there appear to be two archetypical segments of loyal organic consumers. This is a crucial distinction because, as has been shown, these segments choose different retail chains that differ significantly in their marketing strategies. It would seem that the special features of distribution within the organic sector in Denmark, based on mass distribution through a variety of mainstream
channels, including discount stores, has created a demand among less dedicated consumers that would not otherwise have started an organic shopping career due to their thrifty shopping habits.
It has also emerged from this analysis that the patterns whereby one or two specific products are bought during a given shopping trip or purchased by coincidence are rarely associated with loyalty to
organic products as such. The only exception to this concerns a preference for a specific product among ‘health-oriented’ occasional users. All occasional users exhibit one of these two patterns. They would not buy any organic products, if these were not available on a regular basis in their ordinary shopping
environments. Although ‘health-oriented’ occasional users are pleased with the organic idea, they only purchase organic goods because of their widespread availability and only on the condition that the relative price difference as compared to conventional counterparts is low.
As described earlier (see Chapter 3) the availability of organic foods has been limited. Dissatisfaction with limited assortment was also observed among a majority of regular users, who were unable to find an organic variant of the product they sought while shopping. This clearly indicates a basis for increased demand that is not currently met.
Dissatisfaction with the perceived quality of organic products on display (the freshness of vegetables and fruit, the sell-by date on milk, etc.) also constitutes a barrier to purchase. This is most prevalent among non- users and occasional users, and not a notable barrier among dedicated regular users. The perceived higher price of organic products is another very strong barrier. In general, the higher price is the reason that non-users and coincidental occasional users are not interested in organic products (as described in Chapter 3). More interestingly, the ‘health-oriented’ occasional users and the thrifty regular users mention price as a very important consideration that prevents them from purchasing a greater number of organic products. In this respect the thrifty regular users conceptually distinguishes between “cheap” and “expensive” organic products, between which only the former goods are purchased, frequently in discount outlets.
Organic meat products represent a special product group in which there are particular
conceptual barriers at stake. A notable motivation among the organic consumers for wanting to purchase organic meat products concerns animal welfare. However, according to organic users there is a large variety of competing meat products on the market from production systems that also ensure proper and appropriate treatment of animals. Thus, unlike other categories of organic products, such as fruit and vegetables, organic meat products are not perceived as constituting a category for which proper substitutes do not exist. This conceptual barrier for purchasing organic meat products is most probably reinforced by the fact that the organic users experience a scarce supply of organic meat and that the available meat products are very expensive.