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Fashion: Past and Present

Whatever is produced must be publicized in order for the public to know its existence and reputation. Likewise, whatever types of clothing that originate from the French fashion system have to be disseminated to other parts of the world so that the image of and the belief in French fashion are continuously strengthened. Publicity, production and reputation must go hand in hand. Social valuations are essential and, thus, it requires a system of valuation. No fashion as a practice or as an idea is spread without the diffusion channel. France is successful in reproducing the idea that fashion belongs to Paris. In order to understand why Paris is the source of fashion globalization, this chapter examines the past and present diffusion mechanisms that were implemented in France.

Prior to institutionalizing fashion shows in the modern system, the means of diffusion included dolls, illustrations, plates, magazines and trade fairs. French fashion had overcome a number of revolutions and wars which jeopardized the position and prestige of Paris as the fashion capital because the dissemination was restricted at some points in history. From 1794 through 1796, fashion magazines ceased to exist in France (Ribeiro 1988: 50), and also during the German Occupation in the Second World War, both exports and imports were forbidden, and press coverage was virtually nil because there were hardly any newspapers and magazines (Lottman 1991: 55). But Paris had the tenacity to survive as the fashion capital.

In the modern system, the roles of clothing manufacturer and trendsetter are combined, but there is still a specialized role for those who systematically spread fashion, and those who design clothes play no role in the diffusion process of fashion. Between designers and the public, there exist institutions and gatekeepers who transmit and filter the information and materials intended for consumers. They participate in the cultural process of dissemination by selecting and rejecting the content and determining what will come to the

attention of the various publics. They have the authority to define, promote and spread fashion. I shall explore various aspects of the roles ‘fashion gatekeepers’ play by highlighting the conditions that reinforce their functions in the maintenance of the system in Paris. I also investigate to what extent they are important in building the recognition and reputation and to what extent designers themselves are aware of the importance. Gatekeeping is a way in which affirmations, reinterpretations and rejections shape individual works and whole careers (Powell 1978). The term ‘gatekeeping’ has been applied when the focus is on judgments about admitting person or works into a cultural field (Peterson 1994).

Dolls, Plates, Periodicals and Trade Fairs as Fashion Diffusion Strategies

One’s good reputation is the measure of talent and creativity. In order to create that reputation or prestige, the works must first be exposed for evaluation and then go through a system of validation although consequences are not always positive. Without reputation, it is difficult to prove one’s design skills. Perrot (1994: 40) explains the importance of the designer’s reputation in the nineteeth century:

Talent was a pretty slim asset unless it was associated with a reputation, a name at first mentioned here and there, and then spread in praiseful echoes from salon to salon. A dressmaker or a tailor could become a means of social prestige whose ministrations had to be acquired at any price to gain elegance, style, distinction- markings that became symbolic capital, commercially profitable.

Fashion dolls were probably the earliest form of fashion diffusion. It was the device used to report the most fashionable modes. These dolls were made out of wax, wood or porcelain, and their clothes changed with the season with hairstyles, jeweled accessories and outer garments detailed in full. The extent of the latest styles displayed on the fashion dolls was complete. According to Roche (1994: 474),

The exchange of fashion news quickly assumed two principal forms; innumerable ambassadors involuntarily spread far and wide the practices of external worlds; information was consciously sought from the centres of production and manipula- tion, the great commercial fairs and above all the network of princely courts. Princes and princesses listened to the descriptions of observers and began to have sent to them models of foreign clothes worn by ‘fashion dolls’.

It is believed that before the invention of the fashion plate, information concerning the latest fashion was so hard to come by that Marie-Antoinette’s dressmaker found it worthwhile to travel the Continent every year carrying dolls dressed in the latest modes de Paris (Laver 1969/1995: 147). All the shops in the center of Paris were quick to organize the manufacturing and adornment of these dolls wearing French fashion which, in the eighteenth century, were dispatched every month throughout Europe and the world. Court society across Europe was dependent on these Parisian merchants’ dolls; they were displayed in shop windows (Roche 1994: 475). The use of traveling dolls and their purpose of revealing the latest fashions became an exclusively Parisian tradition. This method was again used after the Second World War, as explained in Chapter 2, to revive Haute Couture that was closed to the world during the German occupation. Therefore, La Thêàtre de la Mode derived from a well-established custom, dating from the Middle Ages, when traveling dolls were dispatched far and wide, their mission to present the elegance and prestige of Paris fashion to foreign courts (Train and Braun-Munk 1991).

Fashion plates or engravings had appeared sporadically since the sixteenth century and gradually squeezed the fashion dolls out of the information market because they were cheaper and more mobile and also because the capacity of the typographic presses to adapt and print in large numbers enabled them to convey their images well beyond aristocratic circles (Roche 1994: 476). In the second half of the eighteenth century, when the French began exporting fashion illustration (Steele 1988: 36), fashion began to spread widely, and they became an essential source of fashion information. The number of fashion plates produced increased from 102 for the period between 1600 and 1649 to 1,275 for the period between 1750 and 1799 (Roche 1994: 477). Many foreign fashion magazines entered into agreements with French publishers to purchase the right to reproduce French fashion plates, and with copyright laws little enforced, some prints were simply pirated by foreign journals (Steele 1988). The wider distribution and dissemination of fashion information helped to make fashion accessible to the rising bourgeoisie, those most determined and eager to acquire aristocratic clothing preferences.

France has the longest history of fashion magazines that played a significant role in forming and guiding public taste. The eighteenth century culminated in a massive explosion of fashion periodicals and journals which reported fashion changes, and they were also responsible for replacing the fashion dolls of previous years because like fashion plates, these publications could be presented as an alternative, almost guaranteed success, for these expensive, delicate dolls (Roche 1994). After 1750, French fashion periodicals were read far beyond the boundaries of France. They helped to reshape the dress of the European elites who were their readers, in line with French worldly sensibilities;

and the new means of communication allowed a new universe of symbols to be propagated and a new ideology to be spread, by projecting them in the materiality of things (Roche 1994). It was now based on a solid national and European market; for example, in 1761, Le Journal des Dames was distributed in thrity-nine French towns and forty-one abroad (Roche 1994: 481).

With the appearance of the first illustrated fashion magazines at the end of the Old Regime in the 1780s and with new ideas in the air, this decade sees the establishment of high quality fashion magazines. These magazines picked up the latest trends, explored shifting moods, temporary fads and educated their readers both in the latest fashions and in social and political issues, from which contemporary women’s magazines originate. The treatment of fashion changed, and it was regularly described for its own sake and put on display (Lipovetsky 1994: 68). Among these magazines were the Gallerie des Modes (1778–87), a pioneer in the field of the fashion plate (Laver 1969/1995: 144); the Cabinet

des Modes, later renamed as the Magasin des Modes Nouvelles Francaises et Anglaises (1785–9) with a wealth of material on the details of fashion

(Lipovetsky 1994: 68; Ribeiro 1988: 20–1) and an adaptation and translation in England, Italy and Germany (Roche 1994: 487); and Le Journal de la Mode

et du Goût (1790–3), the unchallenged leader of a genre which had started

well before 1750 and which played a crucial role in the history of culture (Roche 1994: 471). By 1789, fashion periodicals were an established field in the publishing industry in France.

At no other time in history have politics and dress been so closely intertwined as during the French Revolution (Ribeiro 1988: 23). Before the Revolution print runs were limited and circulations were restricted. The Revolution made it possible for pamphlets and periodicals to proliferate. In 1789, fashion magazines were quick to exploit the links between fast-changing political events and costume; political allegiance as demonstrated in dress provided material for the pages of such periodicals as the Magasin des Modes Nouvelles (Ribeiro 1988). In the early years of the Revolution, the most flourishing fashion magazine was the Journal de la Mode du Goût whose early issues are filled with enthusiasm for the Revolution, which was to be toned down as it became obvious that the very concept of fashion, with its aristocratic and frivolous implications, was doomed. By the mid 1790s, there were no fashion magazines and it was politically tactless even to talk about fashion; records, either documentary, or in the form of actual garments worn by the rich, are rare until things were on a calmer footing (Ribeiro 1988: 23). Fashion magazines did not return until the summer of 1797 (Ribeiro 1988), and they revived again from 1797 with the first issue of the Journal des Dames et des

Modes. The number of fashion magazines and journals multiplied rapidly from

and their influence became even more pronounced. In cities throughout Europe, people fought over the latest issues from Paris. Actresses and well- known female figures featured in these magazines were the fashion models of their day. Illustrators, such as Paul Ribbe and George Lepape, drew exquisite fashion plates for these magazines that covered the most recent developments in fashion and beauty and all the events in a modern woman’s lifestyles (Steele 1988).

Like the Paris Salon in the French painting world of the nineteenth century, which was an instrument in controlling review, reward and painters seeking official recognition, couturiers were encouraged to participate in international expositions in order to earn the public’s interest in French fashion. The nineteenth century saw a great number of such fairs. There were large-scale world’s fairs in Paris in 1855, 1867, 1878, 1888 and 1900 (De Marly 1980a). For the World’s Fair in Paris in 1900, since couture was an important part of French exports, the government wanted participation by the couturiers, and they presented the first joint exhibition of Haute Couture. Since then, participa- tion in international fairs became regular practice. Today, the tradition of expositions and trade fairs continues to promote the city of Paris on a much larger scale during the fashion weeks. One can find fashion-related events in Paris almost on a monthly basis (Table A.3 in Appendix A).

Fashion Shows in the Modern System as a Mobilizing Ritual

Institutionalized fashion shows organized twice a year first began in France in 1910. Fashion shows construct systematic interactions which are generally the mutual influence of members of the same groups. Influence is systematic only if there is a regular or orderly relationship among the units influencing one another. Designers organize fashion shows to expose their work to fashion gatekeepers. Shows first began as a trade event and have become a ritual. In the past thirty years the traditional runway fashion show has changed from a private commercial transaction conducted behind closed doors into a public spectacle as part theater, part performance and part entertainment (Sudjic 1990: 25), and therefore, comments from the audience or consumers, such as ‘who can wear that?’ or ‘I don’t want to wear that’, are insignificant to the designers. Although these events have no religious implications, they contain a number of factors found in Durkheim’s theory of ritual production of moral solidarity (1912/1965). According to Durkheim, the elements of a ritual are (1) physical co-presence of a group, (2) mutual awareness of a common focus of attention and (3) a common emotional mood. Once begun, (2) and (3)

recycle and intensify. The results are (4) symbols or ‘sacred objects’ representing membership in the group, and (5) emotional energy for participants.

By coming to Paris several times a year with a common interest in reaffirming existing talented designers and discovering new ones, all participants in the events during fashion weeks in Paris reconfirm its membership and reinforce the conviction that the best designers are found in Paris. Rituals create emotional ties and a collective consciousness that bind a group together and make the way it is organized unquestionably real. The participants strengthen the position of the dominant members of the group. If one looks at the ceremonies to which groups and societies attach great importance, one can see that they generally combine highly stereotyped rituals with large gatherings of people. Ritualistic interaction that occurs repeatedly among all individuals maintains the belief that Paris is the fashion center. It is through these practices that the particular groups of fashion elites reproduce themselves. Organizing fashion shows is not only a trade event but also a cultural event.

Thus, participation in the biannual fashion show weeks qualifies a designer for legitimate designer status in Paris. Failure to continue the shows means loss of status, unless one is as established as the French Pierre Cardin who terminated his couture show in 1992 and is no longer a member of the couture organization. Fashion shows for designers are analogous to gallery exhibitions for artists, sites where fashion professionals congregate, interact and judge. As several of my respondents made clear, it is a matter of ‘life and death’ for designers because the designer’s reputation is so dependent on the evaluation of fashion gatekeepers. An industry executive stresses the significance of show participation:

Fashion shows are very, very important for designers. That is where you expose a hundred percent of your talent. The Paris ready-to-wear collection is the most international in terms of accepting foreign designers although the star designer has to be French. Now it’s Jean-Paul Gaultier . . . If you are a designer, you want to make it in Paris. It’s also very competitive because everyone comes here. Milan and London are still rather closed, and foreign designers are somewhat treated as guests. Tokyo is geographically too far for non-Japanese designers.

Another industry executive also adds:

Having a fashion show is the most important thing to do if one wants to be a designer in France and establish the name among fashion professionals. Even if you don’t have the means to mass produce your clothes, you still have to have a show and continue every season. You must take part during the fashion weeks even if you are not on the Federation’s list. That is the way to make yourself an official designer and make yourself known to the world eventually.

Some designers intentionally make clothes that are provocative to grab the media attention. A buyer visiting Paris from New York says: ‘An unusual collection means a bigger audience next season. It’s to get attention for their new names.’ Fashion today is not about the wearability and the functionality of clothes. Many of the clothes shown on stage are never mass-produced or sold in stores. Extravagant or eccentric outfits create publicity and prestige that help sell more affordable and profitable items, such as perfume and cosmetics bearing the name of a designer. In an industry that values image so highly, fashion shows conceptualize the specific image that designers try to project to the public although many designers I interviewed were not able to verbalize their image. Issey Miyake, one of the Japanese designers in Paris (in Tsurumoto 1983: 99) remarks: ‘I am neither a writer nor a theorist. For a person who creates things to utter too many words is to regulate himself, a frightening prospect.’ Similarly, a struggling Japanese designer in Paris says:

Designers are not articulate. You don’t have to become a designer if you can explain what you have inside with words. We can’t describe our feelings in words so we use clothes to express them. That’s why there are fashion journalists and critics. It’s their job to explain what message designers are sending to society. They are better at doing that.

Membership in the Elite Designer Category: Inclusion in the Calendar List

Organizing and setting the dates of seasonal fashion shows are the major tasks of the Federation. A list of fashion shows taking place in Paris is distributed to the member journalists and editors worldwide. The most lively fashion weeks are the women’s Prêt-à-Porter shows in October and March, in which more than a hundred fashion designers take part. Designers on the calendar list have the privilege of using the official show site at the Salle de Carrousel du Louvre, which is located under the Louvre Museum. The rental fee is said to range from $22,370 to $63,985 depending on the size of the space (Weisman 1998: 24). No designer is prohibited from organizing a fashion show because they are not on the Federation’s list. However, being on the list carries considerable weight, especially in the absence of formal criteria to designate a designer. The occupation of designer requires neither licenses nor qualifications. Some designers do not even have a technical training in fashion education. Therefore, a designer needs to be legitimated. The list offers the means of recognition and legitimation for designers. A designer who was on the list for the first time says:

I did a collection five times without being on the calendar list of the Chambre

Syndicale. I kept calling the organization to put my name on the list, but I could

never get through to a person in charge. I wanted to go in and show my portfolio and show them what I have been doing as a designer in Paris. You don’t have to pay to have your name on the list, but it is very difficult. The organization is very selective, and you have to know people. Then I found out that designers work with publicists. The moment I made a contract with an outside public relations firm, my name was on the list. I did not even have to show my portfolio. The difference between being on the list or not, I think, is the number of people who came to my show. But what was most important for me was that people who work with me became more motivated. All my friends and staff members were surprised and excited to see my name there. You suddenly become official. People look at you differently.

A publicist also shares the view:

The Chambre Syndicale is very bureaucratic, and they require you to have some