Rodrigo Manrique was the second son of the VIII señor of Amusco, Pedro Manrique, yet surpassed both his father and older brother as patriarch of the extended Manrique clan. Rodrigo defended his family’s interests through his activity in the Order of Santiago. The infante Enrique, Master of Santiago, knighted him when Rodrigo was only twelve years old and soon thereafter granted him the Commandery of Segura de la Sierra. As staunch
supporters of the infantes of Aragón, Rodrigo opposed their enemy, Luna, on numerous occasions. When he imprisoned Pedro Manrique, Rodrigo led his brothers in a raid to free their father. The infante Enrique also tasked Rodrigo with recovering the administration of the Order of Santiago (Domínguez, Love 6-7). In 1440, Rodrigo became a member of the Trece and, upon his father’s death that same year, inherited the señorío of Paredes de Nava (Domínguez, Love 8). In recognition of Rodrigo’s chivalric activity on behalf of the
the dispute in 1513 (Mercado Egea, “Los comendadores” 65). For more information on Jorge Manrique as Commander of Montizón, see Eloy Benito Ruano (1980) and Ángela Madrid y Medina (1988, 2000).
206 Numerous scholars have commented on Gómez Manrique’s literary influence on his nephew, Jorge. Three of Gómez’s works—the “Defunsión,” “A Diego Arias de Áuila,” and “Aguilando al conde de Paredes”—likely inspired sections of Jorge’s “Coplas por la muerte de su padre.” For more information the literary connection between Gómez and Jorge Manrique, see Ernesto Moreno Báez (1970), Jesús Castañón Díaz (1975), Francisco Lluch Mora (1982), and Domínguez (1988).
Manrique clan and its allies, Gómez glorified him as “el segundo Çid” (Manrique,
“Defunsión” 71). However, the title to which Rodrigo aspired—Master of Santiago—eluded him on two occasions.
In 1445, the death of the infante Enrique gave Juan II of Castile the opportunity to nominate Luna as Master of Santiago. Rodrigo vehemently opposed Luna’s election and claimed the position for himself (Domínguez, Love 8). However, he relinquished this claim in 1452, when Juan II granted him the hereditary title of conde of Paredes de Nava in exchange for his support of Luna (Domínguez, Love 8). In 1474, Rodrigo again claimed the position of Master of Santiago following a contested election against Alonso de Cárdenas. Rodrigo’s death two years later prompted a new election to determine his successor as Master of Santiago, in which his oldest son, Pedro, emerged as a leading candidate (Marino, Jorge 7). However, Cárdenas again challenged the Manrique clan and eventually emerged victorious in 1477 (Domínguez, Love 184n70).207
This outcome devastated the Manrique family. The Trece not only favored Rodrigo’s rival, but also tarnished Rodrigo’s legacy by designating Cárdenas the immediate successor of the previous Master, Juan Pacheco, I marqués of Villena (Domínguez, Love 139).
Pacheco’s death in 1474 had prompted the election in which Rodrigo claimed the position of Master of Santiago. Rodrigo’s victory had never been officially recognized, but even so his legacy was effectively overturned when Cárdenas was named Pacheco’s successor
(Domínguez, Love 139). In addition, Cárdenas forced Rodrigo’s descendants to surrender
207 In 1476, Isabel I attempted to avoid an armed confrontation between the rival factions that supported Pedro Manrique and Cárdenas as Master of Santiago. The queen asked that the Trece seek the Pope’s permission for Fernando to become interim administrator of the Order (Domínguez, Love 184n70). All parties agreed to this arrangement for a projected period of six years, but in 1477 Fernando called for the election of a permanent Master, in which Cárdenas emerged victorious (Domínguez, Love 184n70).
Segura de la Sierra.208 In the span of a little more than a year, the Manrique family lost its patriarch, a strategic landholding, and control of one of the most powerful positions in Castile.
During the uncertain period following Rodrigo’s death, his son, Jorge, composed the “Coplas por la muerte de su padre.” He completed the 40-stanza poem sometime before his own death in battle in 1479.209 Like Gómez’s poetry, Jorge’s “Coplas” was intended to defend the Manrique clan’s sociopolitical status and console the members of his family following the loss of their patriarch and the forfeiture of his properties. The author reminds his relatives—and the monarch—that the Manrique clan merits recognition based on the virtue of its lineage, as embodied in Rodrigo’s demonstration of military prowess. The “Coplas” fulfills a similar intended purpose as Rodrigo’s funerary chapel in the convent of
208 Theoretically, all property that belonged to the military orders reverted to the Master upon a commander’s death. Just as Garcilaso’s heir was denied the Commandery of Montizón, Rodrigo Manrique’s descendants were not guaranteed the lucrative territories he had controlled in the Order of Santiago. His oldest son Pedro—who aspired to succeed his father as Master of Santiago—inherited his land and title as II conde of Paredes de Nava. Pedro also succeeded his father as the next Commander of Segura de la Sierra, until Cárdenas’ election as Master. The forfeiture of Segura de la Sierra was particularly devastating for the Manrique clan in light of the profitability of this property. As Pedro Porras Arboledas explains, “Eran privativos del comendador los monopolios, martiniegas, yantares, obsequios, montasgos, las mestas de Segura y Albaladejo, todos los diezmos, las salinas de Hornos y Siles, las dehesas de Matillas, Burjalista, Zafalfaraz, Zahora, Peñolite, Puebla y Villar de Secilla y Burjahariza, otros censos, portazgos y derechos de la jurisdicción, además de una serie de otros derechos. Su valor económico era el mayor de la Provincia, pasando de medio millón de maravedíes a casi dos cuentos en este período” (259). The forfeiture of these assets was a tremendous economic loss for the Manrique family. In addition, the longevity of Rodrigo’s tenure as Commander of Segura de la Sierra would have contributed to the Manrique clan’s reluctance to leave the property, which was located in close proximity to other Manrique-held territories, including Montizón. Both Gómez Manrique and Garcilaso de la Vega trained as knights at Segura de la Sierra, which was likely Jorge’s birthplace. However, scholars have also suggested that Jorge could have been born at Paredes de Nava, Ecija, or Valladolid (Domínguez, Love 10-11). For more information, see Genaro Navarro (1965).
209 Scholars disagree on whether Jorge wrote the “Coplas” immediately following Rodrigo’s demise in 1476 or shortly before his own three years later. He was killed while attempting to capture the castle of Garcimuñoz from the II marqués of Villena (Domínguez, Love 16). Jorge received a side wound that penetrated his kidneys, and he died in the nearby village of Santa María del Campo Rus (Domínguez, Love 17). At the time of his death, two stanzas of a poem lamenting the bitterness of earthly travails—in the vein of the de contempus mundi
topic that is also found in the “Coplas”—were discovered. Some scholars suggest that these stanzas should be included with the other 40 stanzas of the “Coplas.” For example, see José J. Labrador, C. Ángel Zurita, and Ralph A. DiFranco (1985) and Giovanni Caravaggi (2002). For more information on when Jorge wrote the “Coplas” in relation to his own death, see Richard P. Kinkade (1970), Lomax (1972), and José Manuel Ortega Cézar (2007).
Uclés, the headquarters of the Order of Santiago. However, the more lasting monument is the work that Jorge created to memorialize his father and the Manrique lineage.
Jorge achieves this purpose in the “Coplas” by establishing a correspondence between Rodrigo’s achievements during his lifetime and the exemplary nature of his death. The author uses both to affirm Rodrigo’s rightful position as Master of Santiago. He explains that Rodrigo attained this position as a result of his virtue:
Aquel de buenos abrigo, amado, por virtuoso, de la gente,
el maestre don Rodrigo Manrique, tanto famoso
e tan valiente. (Coplas” 289-94)
Rodrigo also ascended to the position of Master of Santiago “Por su gran habilidad, / por méritos e ancianía / bien gastada” (Manrique, “Coplas” 367-69). These verses connect Rodrigo’s prowess to the prestige of his lineage, which he steadfastly defended through his military activity. Jorge explains, “y en este oficio ganó / las rentas e los vasallos / que le dieron” (“Coplas” 346-48). In light of the Manrique clan’s recent forfeiture of Segura de la Sierra, Jorge reminds his relatives that Rodrigo used his prosperity to magnify the virtue of his lineage. Specifically, he “fizo tratos tan honrosos / que le dieron aun más tierra / que tenía” (Manrique, “Coplas” 358-60).
Jorge’s praise of Rodrigo’s virtue and prowess as Master of Santiago is similar to Gómez’s glorification of Garcilaso in the “Defunsión.” Both authors imply that such
illustrious warriors deserve appropriate recognition from the members of their sociopolitical networks, including the monarch. While Gómez suggests that Enrique IV should reward the Manrique clan following Garcilaso’s honorable death in battle, Jorge emphasizes Rodrigo’s
steadfast allegiance to the Catholic Monarchs during his lifetime and goes so far as to suggest that the king, Fernando II of Aragón, owes his reign to Rodrigo’s military service:
Pues nuestro rey natural, si de las obras que obró fue servido,
dígalo el de Portogal, y, en Castilla, quien siguió su partido. (“Coplas” 379-84)
The following stanza reaffirms that Rodrigo faithfully served “la corona de su rey / verdadero” (Manrique, “Coplas” 389-90).
These mentions of Fernando II of Aragón denote his position in Castile following his marriage to Isabel I in 1469.210 Upon the death of Enrique IV in 1474, Isabel proclaimed herself Queen of Castile. This action led to the five-year War of the Castilian Succession between Isabel I and Enrique IV’s heir, Juana, known as la Beltraneja. Juana married King Alfonso V of Portugal, and the Portuguese faction of the Castilian nobility, including Pacheco and his descendants, supported her in the war. Many of the Castilian nobles who opposed Enrique IV in the Farce of Ávila, including the Manrique clan, fought on behalf of Isabel I. Rodrigo’s final military conquest in 1474 was to recapture the Order of Santiago’s strongholds of Ocaña and Uclés from Pacheco. Two years later, Rodrigo died in Ocaña of a cancerous lesion to the face.
By praising Rodrigo’s military prowess as Master of Santiago, Jorge defends his father’s claim to this position and his family’s status following the forfeiture of Segura de la Sierra. The author sends a message to the implied readers, including relatives, opponents, and
210 Fernando II of Aragón was the son and heir of Juan II of Aragón. The marriage of Fernando and Isabel effectively ended decades of political turmoil between the opposing Aragonese and Castilian branches of the Trastámara monarchy. Noble families who had been forced to choose between an alliance with the infantes of Aragón or with Luna and Juan II of Castile celebrated the reunification of the ruling house during the reign of Isabel and Fernando, although in practice the monarchs ruled their respective realms separately. Nevertheless, the prospect of an alliance between Castile and Aragón attracted many nobles, such as the Manrique and Mendoza clans, to Isabel’s cause during the civil war (Nader 54).
the Catholic Monarchs, to remind them of Rodrigo’s exemplary service. Although the message lacks the harsh overtones of Gómez’s criticism of Enrique IV in the “Defunsión,” Jorge nevertheless uses his elegy to protest the Manrique clan’s reversal of fortune, which, as he argues, does not reflect either the lasting influence of Rodrigo’s accomplishments or the virtue of the Manrique lineage. The author interprets Rodrigo’s death not as the catalyst of the Manrique clan’s misfortune, but rather an opportunity to demonstrate Rodrigo’s—and his family’s—continued preeminence.
Specifically, Jorge represents Rodrigo’s death as an extension of the virtue that he demonstrated as Master of Santiago. Rodrigo’s demise occurs at a strategic moment in his career:
Después de puesta la vida tantas vezes por su ley al tablero;
después de tan bien servida la corona de su rey
verdadero;
después de tanta hazaña a que non puede bastar
cuenta cierta. (Manrique, “Coplas” 385-93)
These verses refer to Rodrigo’s military prowess and political acumen, which he
demonstrated through his willingness to risk his life on behalf of his family and the monarch. The use of anaphora contributes to the glorification of Rodrigo, as Pedro Salinas has
explained: “Los después los siento como sumandos, en la operación del ajuste final de cuentas, del balance vital del maestre” (149). Rodrigo’s death, although painful and certainly unfortunate for his descendants, fulfilled the exemplary trajectory of his life.
In this sense, Rodrigo’s death is his last hazaña as Master of Santiago. To end his successful career, the poem suggests that “en la su villa d’Ocaña / vino la Muerte a llamar / a
su puerta” (Manrique, “Coplas” 394-96). Historically, Rodrigo died at the Order of
Santiago’s stronghold at Ocaña, which he had recently captured from Pacheco’s supporters. In addition to referencing one of Rodrigo’s accomplishments, these verses also reaffirm his esteemed status through the appearance of Death as a courteous visitor. Death addresses Rodrigo with the respect due to the Master of Santiago:
«Buen caballero,
dexad el mundo engañoso e su halago;
vuestro corazón d’azero muestre su esfuerço famoso
en este trago. (Manrique, “Coplas” 397-401)
This decorous invitation reflects Rodrigo’s esteemed status through repeated
references to his military skill and bravery, which he must now assert in the final battle of his life.211 Death encourages Rodrigo to face it without fear, “pues otra vida más larga / de la fama glorïosa / acá dexáis” (Manrique, “Coplas” 412-14). Rodrigo’s fame, the result of his glorious career, will outlast the earthly life that afforded him such success. As a result, the pain of death is mitigated for Rodrigo, who must suffer “este trago” with the fortitude becoming of the Master of Santiago (Manrique, “Coplas” 401).
By resolutely accepting death, Rodrigo also attains the ultimate goal of a Christian knight: the salvation of his soul. Death encourages Rodrigo to “partid con buena esperança, /
211 Death’s courteous address to Rodrigo breaks with the tradition of the medieval danza de la muerte, in which a skeletal Death indiscriminately summons individuals from all social classes. The iconography of Death included a scythe, clock, owl, flute, and skeleton (Infantes 105, 108, 111). This phenomenon enjoyed both artistic and literary representations in Europe. In 1424, a fresco of the danza de la muerte was painted in the Holy Innocents’ Cemetery in Paris, France, suggesting a theatrical representation of death (Infantes 37). Textual versions of the danza de la muerte also include performative elements, such as dialogue between Death and the victims. The textual tradition of the danza de la muerte emerged in the late-fourteenth and early-fifteenth centuries in Germany, France, and Spain (Infantes 59). In Spain, the Dança general de la Muerte emerged around the year 1400 (Infantes 188). A later Castilian version from 1520 also survives in printed form (Infantes 241). Numerous scholars have commented on the relationship of the danza de la muerte to the “Coplas por la muerte de su padre.” For example, see Salinas (1947), Basave (1956), Gilman (1959), Gómez Galán (1960), Díaz (1971), Fernández Alonso (1971), Lluch Mora (1982), and María Esther Silberman de Cywiner (1992).
qu’estotra vida tercera / ganaréis” (Manrique, “Coplas” 442-44). The vida tercera refers to spiritual salvation, which is eternal.
These so-called tres vidas—earthly existence, glorious fame, and eternal salvation— form a continuum in which an individual’s lifelong demonstration of virtue leads to both fame and salvation after death.212 The author describes this progression as a metaphoric journey, or pilgrimage: “Este mundo es el camino / para el otro, qu’es morada / sin pesar” (Manrique, “Coplas” 49-51). An individual can easily stray from the appropriate course by succumbing to the temptations of a sinful world. For this reason, Death encourages Rodrigo to “dexad el mundo engañoso” (Manrique, “Coplas” 398). However, the author clarifies that “Este mundo bueno fue / si bien usásemos dél / como debemos” (Manrique, “Coplas” 61-63). The author’s praise of Rodrigo indicates that he has used his worldly position to its best advantage. As Death reminds him:
«E pues vos, claro varón, tanta sangre derramastes de paganos,
esperad el galardón
que en este mundo ganastes
por las manos. (Manrique, “Coplas” 433-38)213
212 Many scholars have commented on Jorge’s description of the tres vidas. For example, see Gilman (1959), Cruz Martínez Esteruela (1967), Susana Royer de Cardinal (1992), and Vivanco (2004).
213 Death’s promise suggests that Rodrigo has attained salvation because he has fulfilled the professional obligations of his social class. In the stanza immediately preceding these verses, Death explains how each class achieves eternal life: “«El vivir qu’es perdurable / non se gana con estados / mundanales, / ni con vida
delectable / donde moran los pecados / infernales; / mas los buenos religiosos / gánanlo con oraciones / e con lloros; / los caballeros famosos, / con trabajos e aflicciones / contra moros»” (Manrique, “Coplas” 421-32). These classes represent the division of medieval society into three ranks: defensor, orador, and labrador, although Death does mention this last rank. However, all three ranks are equally susceptible to death, as Jorge explains in stanza XIV: “Esos reyes poderosos / que vemos por escripturas / ya passadas / con casos tristes, llorosos, / fueron sus buenas venturas / trastornadas; / assí, que no ay cosa fuerte, / que a papas y emperadores / e perlados, / assí los trata la muerte / como a los pobres pastores / de ganados” (Manrique, “Coplas” 157-68). The egalitarian warning in this stanza evokes that of the danza de la muerte because Death summons members of all three classes indiscriminately. However, in the Dança general de la muerte, three individuals—the
labrador, the Benedictine monk, and the religious hermit—are saved because they accept Death’s call. The “Coplas” also encourage the reader to prepare for the inevitability of death, regardless of social distinction. For example, in stanza III, the author states, “Nuestras vidas son los ríos / que van a dar en la mar, / qu’es el morir; /
Rodrigo’s reward for his consummate service to his family, the monarch, and the Order of Santiago is both worldly fame and eternal salvation. This outcome is apparent in the final stanza of the “Coplas.” Jorge’s poetic voice declares the fulfillment of the illustrious trajectory of Rodrigo’s tenure as Master of Santiago:
Assí, con tal entender, todos sentidos humanos conservados,
cercado de su mujer y de sus hijos e hermanos e criados,
dio el alma a quien gela dio (el cual la ponga en el cielo en su gloria),
que aunque la vida perdió, dexónos harto consuelo
su memoria. (Manrique, “Coplas” 471-80)
For the members of Rodrigo’s family and household who surrounded his deathbed,214 the correspondence between Rodrigo’s life and death as Master of Santiago provided
consolation for their misfortunes. The author includes himself in this group when he states, “dexónos harto consuelo / su memoria” (Manrique, “Coplas” 479-80). This memory of Rodrigo is the legacy that he indelibly imposed on the members of his sociopolitical network,