The household survey confirmed that the Zanzibari community is made up of different ethnic groups, of which the Makhuwas are the dominant group. However, being a dominant group did not translate to language maintenance, or to Emakhuwa being the dominant language in the community. Emakhuwa while still prevalant in the community, has experienced a gradual shift. This was a concern that was expressed by all the respondents in this survey. Many highlighted that Emakhuwa was a dominant language, used in different domains and had enjoyed a particular status over chiYao, isiZulu, and Urdu, but its use has diminished. A confirmation of the status Emakhuwa had in the community was revealed in the survey when
162 non-Makhuwa respondents stated that they spoke Emakhuwa. This means that members of the different ethnic groups in this small area spoke Emakhuwa. These respondents added that they spoke the language, their parents did and that the ability to speak the language was attached to a sense of belonging to the community. The non-Makhuwa respondents also commented on the diminished use of Emakhuwa and the increased use of English in the community. Emakhuwa was used in the household domain, and even then, in certain households it co-existed with English and to a lesser extent isiZulu.
Studies in minority language maintenances confirmed that sustainability of minority languages depends on the ability of the family to pass down the language to the younger generation of speakers (Fishamn 1991). The survey revealed a lack of intergenerational transmission, in so far as the parent generation/s did not pass down the heritage language to the next generation. The respondents who were the parent generation used English to communicate with their children from a young age. Even though this parent generation was divided into different age categories, the survey revealed the shift to English especially in the groups below 45 years. Most respondents stated that they failed in their responsibility to pass down the language to their children.
Parents play a pivotal role in shaping the attitudes of their children towards their culture, identity, language, perceptions, and personality. The respondents in this survey were very aware of their responsibilities as parents, care-givers, and primary socialisers in the family and home domain. Some highlighted that the socialisation of their children was a challenge, because they worked and spent limited time with their children to influence their language choices. They also cited that their grandparents were deceased and unable to help with the socialisation of children and in the transmission of the language. However, the survey also revealed that a large number of respondents, especially women were unemployed. So what was their reason for not passing down the language? Respondents provided a few reasons for the lack of intergenerational transmission. One reason was that the children did not live with them but with their former partners. The former partners lived outside the community. Another reason provided was that they had a limited knowledge of Emakhuwa and since it was an oral language, they found it difficult to teach their children. The absence of the grandparents or parents was another reason provided by these respondents for their inability to pass down the language. However, at the core of the reasons provided by participants was that they encouraged their children to learn and speak English well. They deemed English as
163 an important language for education and that would provide their children with the many opportunities and a good, stable job. So when the home domain does not provide the opportunity, and space for the heritage language to thrive, then language shift takes place.
This survey also revealed that gender did not play a major role in language maintenance. Both men and women commented that they encouraged their children to speak English because the language was everywhere. English was used in schools, at the workplace, by politicians, celebrities and in the media. All the respondents had a positive attitude towards their heritage language. They stated that were very proud of their heritage language and that was a part of their identity. One respondent stated that while she was proud of Emakhuwa, of her heritage, “it did not put bread on the table”.
Exogamy, marriage outside the Makhuwa ethnic group was also sited as a reason for the shift to English and the new language repertoire in their household. Some mentioned that they had to make a compromise and used English as a common language in their household, especially with the children. So for example, a Makhuwa man who married a Zulu woman, would speak Emakhuwa with his mother, English to his children and English and isiZulu to his wife. Another respondent added that this was the scenario in the present day amongst the younger generations. She added that in the past, the wife would have learnt Emakhuwa in order to learn about the culture and life in the community from her mother-in-law. So Emakhuwa was spoken by all in that household.
The survey identified the absence of their grandparents in their lives of the respondents as a factor which contributed to the limited knowledge of their heritage language. All the Yao respondents, and some of the Indian respondents attested to this point. They stated that their grandparents were in a different region of South Africa or in an entirely different country, so they had never met them. Before 1994 the political situation made travel difficult and after 1994, the financial challenges made it difficult to travel and visit family. So there was little or no contact with one or both sides of the family.
The respondents in this survey confirmed that from the establishment of the community in the Bluff to re-settlement in Chatsworth, culture, language and religion played a role in maintaining its distinct identity. The survey revealed that religion was very important to the respondents and some mentioned that “Islam was their culture and way of life”. The survey
164 revealed that the languages used in the religious domain were Arabic, Emakhuwa and English. Respondents reported that there was an increased use of English and this could be attributed to the Imams coming from a different background or country, mainly Malawi. English was the language he had in common with his congregation. The Imam communicated in chiYao with the older Yao generation, but in English with the younger Yao members in the community. They also reported that Mualimahs (teachers at the Madrassahs) were from different backgrounds (Makhuwa, Indian and Zulu) and the language they had in common was English. Lessons were taught in English with recitations in Arabic. Respondents commented that there were several reasons for the shift to predominantly English in the
Madrassahs. The different ethnic background of the teachers was mentioned. The second
reason given was that before the mid 80s the education curriculum was localised, created and administered by the Juma Musjid Trust. However, thereafter IEOSA (Islamic Education Organisation of South Africa) took over, implemented the new curriculum that is taught in the country. Another reason was that the previous curriculum was taught by members of the community and therefore Emakhuwa was also used in this domain.
The survey revealed that language shift was taking place in household, but respondents believed that this did not affect their culture and identity. Cultural activities were still strong in the community, especially amongst the Makhuwa group. Emakhuwa was used in all ceremonies, but English has also entered this domain.