INSTALACIONES Y EQUIPAMIENTO 1.Instalaciones

Acculturation is the process of cultural and psychological change that follows intercultural contact (Berry, 2003, p.305 in Berry, 2006). Acculturation is the adaptation process whereby family members integrate the new local ideals, values, and behaviours of the host country (Phinney, 1989; Schwartz, 2005). The process occurs when “immigrants settle in their new homeland, it is reasonable to expect that a stable set of goals, values, and beliefs would help to anchor the immigrant during her or his transition into a new society” (Schwartz, 2005, p.294). This often requires the immigrant/migrant to identify with the new local culture. This relates directly to where and how immigrants see themselves reflected in the mirror of the new society. Integration occurs when both cultural maintenance and involvement with the larger society are sought (Berry, 2006, p.306).Thus, identity and acculturation are viewed as extensions of the cohesion of the local community, their various cultural, ethnic and language practices that occur daily (Cairney, 2000; Cummins, 2001; Dyson, 2003; Hull, 2000; Pahl, 2002; Street, 2000). Language loss can relate to acculturation yet it has been argued that language loss does not

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always relate to shifts in ethnic identity affiliation (Fiske, 1994; Padilla and Keefe, 1987; Phinney, 2000). This study’s findings concur with the latter point. With regard to acculturation, the research found that it was not just exposure to EL1 but more importantly exposure to home culture and home country living as well as parents’ attitudes to their ethnic identity that affect the degree to which a person acculturates and maintains language. Thus, for a positive non- marginalised acculturation to occur constraints from the newly adopted home country cannot exist.

Acculturation is a process contingent on external and internal factors as well as perceptions of both the local and home country ethnic identity. Like some previous research, this study found that acculturation was dependent on the participants’ strength of their ethnic identity affiliation, their view of their home country and the ethnic practices they use regularly (Padilla and Keefe, 1987; Pease-Alvarez, 2002; Schrauf, 1999). Consequently, the age at which the exposure occurred is of vital importance (Phinney, 2000). For children, there are factors affecting acculturation that differ from those which impact upon adults.

3.4.2 Components in the acculturation process

There are a myriad of factors such as: social, cultural, ethnic, religious, community, political factors, types of status and capital, and psychological impacts which contribute to or reduce the acculturation of immigrant family members into the local newly adopted commu nity. Furthermore, the degree of exposure and access to a cohesive community, in-group peers, and

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local perceptions of the immigrants’ ethnic practices determine whether children readily adopt local practices and customs. Factors such as perceived discrimination, awareness of cultural differences, and a perceived expectation to assimilate are often factors which dictate whether acculturation occurs (Finch, Hummer, Kolody, and Vega, 2001; Schwartz, 2005). These latter factors affect adults and can indirectly influence the attitudes and beliefs of their children. In addition, research (Bennett, 1993; Lee, 2001) has found that parental cultural maintenance, language processing, various forms of in-group peer interaction and community ethnic identity cohesion are crucial factors in the process of acculturation over time. As previously stated in the literature review, family ethnic loyalty plays an integral part in ethnic identity affiliation and consequently the degree to which a family becomes acculturated (Nguyen, Messe and Stollak, 1999).

The factor of identity is crucial in both immigrant and child identity construction. Identity is formed according to the degree to which an immigrant family maintains language and ethnic identity as opposed to acculturating into the adopted identity (Luo and Wiseman, 2000; Pease- Alvarez, 2002). While some discuss the degree to which family maintenance affects identity, other researchers state that residence or exposure to EL1 maintenance practices is important: “the longer in the new language ecology with little or no exposure to the parents L1 the harder to maintain the family L1” (Schrauf, R. 1999, p.178). However, when investigating identity and more specifically ethnic identity affiliation in children, there are further identity construction elements to be considered.

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As mentioned in the literature review, Phinney (1989) conducted extensive research in the area of acculturation drawing on Erikson’s (1968) identity construction theories. This study will utilise Erikson’s identity construction theories but will also consider the age of the participants and the process of identity construction they were experiencing. There are three aspects to Erikson’s identity process; the ego (unconscious), personal goals and values, and how one represents oneself to the world. Erikson’s theories (1963) maintain that; ethnic practices are embedded into self-identity (Phinney, 2000). However, self-identity changes over time. Immigrant ethnic identity and its connection to acculturation is complex. Moreover, due to the varying ages of the children (childhood to adolescence), several aspects that influence acculturation were identified and synthesised in accordance with other research studies (Bennett, 1993; Lee, 2001) into this studies acculturation continuum framework.

There are many aspects to immigrants’/migrants’ lives which influence the degree to which they acculturate into a newly adopted community. The definition of acculturation, as previously discussed, is based on an integration of terms used in Phinney’s (1989) and Lees’ (2005) acculturation models. How do the three case study families differ in terms of the acculturation continuum? What significant factors are shared amongst the families and what factors differentiate them? The question demands consideration of the frequency of exposure to home country and ethnic practices but more importantly the age at which the exposure to the home country occurs. In addition, the frequency of peripheral ritualised practices is important in terms of ethnic identity affiliation. Moreover, the variable of the age of the children being assessed demanded alterations to the acculturation scale. The next section details these important alterations to the acculturation model.

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3.5.1 Justification for the modifications to the acculturation model

The reason Phinney’s acculturation model was modified, and the reason for combining it with other models relates to the varying ages of the family members. Age and developmental attitudes towards gender, age, and status justify changes to the prior model. Ages of the children in these case study families ranged from childhood to adolescence, whereas previous acculturation models dealt with teenage and/or adult participants. Elements of language process and in-group peer are affected by shifting stages in social cognitive development (Erikson, 1968). Factors such as gender and age must also be included in acculturation models. Moreover, research places strong emphasis on status in many acculturation models (Schwartz, 2005). This is valid for adult immigrants however, for young children identity is connected to socio-cultural practices. As children grow up, they begin to move away from this towards the status of literacy practices. In other words, at the early primary school age, status is not an issue for the majority of the children. Thus, this study concurs with Schwartz (2005) who suggested researchers move away from status towards Erikson’s (1963) original concepts.

For the primary school aged child, language and ethnic identity are transmitted through socio- cultural literacy practices in school and at home. Thus, exposure to social literacy and historical narratives are an important practice in terms of the facilitation of ethnic identity affiliation. More specifically, the Nepalese culture is oral based (UNESCO, 2010) therefore exposure to practices such as, historical narratives or the retelling of family stories facilitates the children’s ethnic identity construction and form a part of the acculturation process. How families co-construct experiences may play a critical role in the self-identification of the child (Bohanek, DU.K.e,

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Fivush, and Marin, 2006). Identity construction for migrant/immigrant children sees them vacillate between the local identity, a global identity, and their ethnic identity (Dyson, 2003; Marsh, 2006; Pahl, 2002). The acculturation model synthesised from Phinney’s (1989), Lee’s (2005), and Bennett’s (1993) acculturation models include several terms which are relevant to discussions of immigrant/migrant ethnic identity. First, however, it is important to clarify how one constructs one’s identity.

3.6 Acculturation – immigrant identity construction

Acculturation is the process through which new immigrants take on values, attitudes and practices of the newly adopted home. Acculturation involves shifting or altering one’s previous ethnic identity affiliation (Hartner, 1998; Lee, 2001). Even within a single family, each family can possess multiple ethnic identities. In this research study, there are three Nepalese families and each family’s context varies slightly in terms of educational background, religious affiliation, and socio-economic status. In other words, “members of every nation, though held together within national boundaries, will vary along a spectrum of differences that result from their history of migration, group isolation, geographic locale, religious affiliation, and other internal or external forces” (Heath and Street, 2008, p.9). How this affects social language maintenance and ethnic identity affiliation is dependent upon attitudes to the new local culture, exposure to the home country, and ultimately the reasons for migrating/immigrating to the new home country. Ethnic identity can include positive ethnic affiliation even with the loss of language (Fiske, 1994; Padilla and Keefe, 1987; Pavlenko, 2007). The variable for positive ethnic affiliation is dependent on certain factors. Some of these aspects are personal in nature and are often overlooked in research studies.

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When immigrant children create their social and ethnic identity, they either invest in ethnic practices or else they invest in acculturation into the newly adopted home identity practices (Heller, 1997; Norton, 2000; Peirce, 1995). “Identity helps one to make sense of, and find one’s place in community” (Schwartz, 2005, p.294). Many immigrants/migrants experience difficulties acculturating to differing ethnic and language societies. Moreover, there are various reasons for the migration. Some immigrants/migrants migrate for political reasons or they are refugees. Others seek economic opportunities that are not available to them in their home country. Often migrants or immigrants physically leave their home country but do not distance themselves ethnically and so the families never acculturate into the adopted home country culture.

Identity construction is inherent in norms, practices, and customs that are learnt from various contexts (Schecter and Bayley, 1997). Construction of the acculturation continuum framework is based on theories of acculturation and its purpose is to measure the strength of ethnic identity affiliation. As the language ecology for the three case study families in this study differ from previous studies, rather than impose a fit into a preconceived framework, additional terminology was incorporated into the construction of the ‘acculturation continuum’ framework.

3.7 Acculturation - factors affecting child identity construction

When immigrant children arrive in the newly adopted home country structures inside educational and work settings often vary from those at home and children frequently face a

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conflict of identity. Furthermore, identity at the pre-adolescence and adolescence ages is more social in terms of self-identity construction (Erikson, 1968; Hartner, 1998). Social identity construction for children who move into adolescence this is an important issue to understand in terms of acculturation. “Social identity refers to a group of identification and one’s assigned and chosen place in the social world, as well as to processes by which one negotiates one’s way through the social world” (Schwartz, 2001, p. 295). Tajfel (1978) studied social identity theory and highlighted the link between social identity, minority identity, and language attitudes. Tajfel (1978) stated that identity is derived from group membership as well, part of an individual self- concept. Identity derives from two factors: knowledge of membership of a group, and the emotional significance of identity (p.69). Tajfel (1978) maintains social identity is dynamic, but he does not discuss multiple group membership. Rogoff (1995) points out that analysis of sociocultural phenomena incorporates three interrelated levels: the individual, the interpersonal, and the community. This is why it is important that researchers of acculturation and identity must investigate the macro, micro, and internal factors that affect change.

There are sociocultural and historical factors which shape a context and affect individual reactions to these events (Rueda and Moll, 1994). In addition, the varying practices the children are exposed to often create conflicts in socio-cultural practices at the socio-cultural interaction stage of primary school (Cummins, 2001; Vygotsky, 1978). In addition, exposure to home country and the age at which that exposure occurs are strong influencing factors for children’s ethnic identity affiliation and their placement on the acculturation continuum. Often children acculturate quicker than their parents and this can cause friction between the generations. One of the reasons is the factor of age of arrival and degree of exposure to home country following

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migration. Thus, the child integrates and constructs various identities based on several intersecting contexts. Furthermore, these intersecting contexts include a variety of variant ideals, values, practices, beliefs, and attitudes. Consequently one must examine how identity and age impact upon each other for immigrant children over time.

3.7.1 Age and identity construction

There are components in Phinney’s (1989) acculturation model that are relevant for this case study. Phinney’s acculturation framework stems from the Eriksonian view of identity construction. Erikson viewed identity as a “collaborative project between the young person and her or his context” (Schwartz, 2001 p. 295). He also stated that identity construction at a young age was more fluid and thus not measurable. Children in early primary school rely on family practices to construct their self-identity but as they move towards pre-adolescence peers become more influential in self-identity construction (Heath, 1983; Peterson, 1992). At the primary school age, identity is still evolving. Initially the child identifies with parental identity. But as children get older they tend to become more independent in their thinking. During pre- adolescence, children also begin to assert their own opinions and beliefs.

There are differences between a child and an adolescent, emotionally, socially, and cognitively in terms of identity construction and changing relationships between family and friends. However, as children develop a greater ability to socialise they begin to learn through peer interaction rather than family members (Schwartz, 2001). In the classroom, students consolidate knowledge, norms, discourse, and social literacy practices from peers. Consequently, the

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primary school student constructs social identity from both classroom interaction, community peer in-group social interaction as well as family social interaction (Cummins, 2001; Fishman, 1977; Li, 1995). Therefore, families who lack exposure to community, cultural, religious, and ethnic practices experience greater constraints in terms of maintaining their language and ethnic identity (Duff and Uchida, 1997).

Moreover, children spend the majority of their time in the school context. This is most true of primary school students (Erikson, 1994; Vygotsky, 1962). For the primary school student socialisation in classroom interactions constitutes a large portion of their life experience and is an important factor in their social identity. Learning occurs through social interaction and activity with their peers (Lantoff, 2006). The children in this study range from middle primary school age to adolescence. For this reason, it is important to look more closely at the various ages of the case study participants.

3.7.2 Children and identity- developmental differences

There are three broad levels of identity: the individual ego, understanding differences between oneself and others, and understanding ones place over time (Adler and Adler, 1998; Erikson, 1968). Around the age of two years the language of the verbal self emerges. For a younger child self is overt and connected to family relations as the child has not fully developed the private self (Adler and Adler, 1998; Erikson, 1963; Hartner, 2012; Schwartz, 2001). Children are concerned with pleasing the adult figures whether they are parents, family members, care givers, or teachers (Harter, 1999). There are also differences in gender identity construction which are

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“pronounced in early adolescence as children first begin to form a more enduring sense of self” (Bluck and Habermas, 2000, p.19 in Nelson and Fivush, 2004). Research shows that in primary school children experience a three-stage process in gender relations. At the early stage integration is common. This is followed by separation and finally cross-gender friendships occur (Adler and Adler, 1998). For the present study, gender relations are significant for some of the children due to their age and experience. For example, the professional Nepalese family children who are both boys (Ji and Milan) in the pre-adolescent and adolescent stages. Their identity, gender, and age differed significantly from the Gorkha family middle primary school girls (Tina and Karen). This will be discussed further but first an overview of pre-adolescence is required.

3.7.3 Pre-adolescence and identity – developmental differences

Early adolescence is the stage when self-identity begins to reflect the social context rather than the family’s alone. At this age peer affiliation is important; thus how one’s identity is constructed depends on peer attitudes towards the child’s ethnic affiliation. At this stage, pre- adolescents start to compare their own performance and behaviours with those of their peers. In middle childhood they begin to reason and accept other points of view (Erikson, 1968). Older children are more interested in the private self and their peer friendships (Harter, 2012). Often at this age there is a desire for independence and so pre-adolescents begin to move away from prescribed family beliefs towards creating their own attitudes to life based upon their experiences with friends (Adler and Adler, 1998). The final stage in identity development occurs at adolescence.

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3.7.4 Adolescence and identity – developmental differences

Adolescence constitutes the bridge from child to adult. Many changes occur during this phase, such as; 1) physical changes 2) academic changes, whereby the school structure changes from supportive to independent and finally 3) social changes, in terms of peer relations and social status. Early and mid-adolescence is when identity development begins to form (Schwartz, 2005). As children enter the early adolescent period they begin to differentiate between higher order qualities of self and identity construction (Harter, 1999). This means that they are able to comprehend restrictive policies and ideologies such as racism. For this study, specific current age of the participants and ethnic identity construction are as significant as the age of prior exposure to home country and ethnic community. The fluid nature of ethnic identity construction must be stressed, specifically in relation to the age at which internal social identity is created (Schwartz, 2001; Wigfield, Byrnes, & Eccles, 2006). Most of the case study family children fall within the upper primary and lower secondary school age range and context. However, a comparison of these three case study families reveals more defining factors than has previously been included in the research. The element of age is critical when investigating ethnic identity affiliation. Now that the elements and differences of the acculturation continuum have been assessed and identified, definitions of acculturation terms will be provided.

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Due to the ages and on-going identity construction of the children this study cannot definitively assign particular identity labels to the various children of the case study families. Nonetheless, an identification of the factors regarding the reasons for their current ethnic identity affiliations is possible. It should be noted that of the three families only one had officially migrated to the U.K. at this time in the study. The other two families’ migration status is undetermined at this