Instrumentos

The thesis explores three main hypotheses that explain the process of 'production of space' by the street vending commercial system. The first is related to the political empowerment of the street vendors unions and the control they exert on the streets. The second is related to the multi-scalar organisation of space by the commercial system, which explain the central role that streets play, and the value they have, for business purposes. The third is related to the depletion of the neighbourhood due to the transformation of the uses and value of space into a profitable commercial asset.

The three aspects explored are related to each other and are part of the same process:

the production of space. To be able to produce (commercial) space (hypothesis 2), it is

74 necessary first that street traders become a powerful group able to ensure control of the streets (hypothesis 1). In the same way, the depletion of the neighbourhood (hypothesis 3), is a consequence of the political empowerment of a group (hypothesis 1) and the re-organisation of the neighbourhood for commercial purposes (hypothesis 2).

The conflict between the use-values and exchange-value is only applied to space in this thesis. Use-values can be seen as a larger category, however Lefebvre approach is applied to 'space' as an 'asset', not to other values related to the city.

The concept of resilience is used to understand the evolving capacities that are playing a role in the transformation of space. I am interested in looking at the interplay of resiliences driving the transformation of space as a product. In this thesis, resilience is applied to the following interacting systems. Firstly, resilience is related to the capacity of individual vendors and groups to keep their vending activities, resist eviction, organise forming unions and negotiate with the authorities. Secondly, I look at the streets co-management structures formed by vendors and authorities as a flexible structure able to exert control over space, adding resilience to the commercial system. Thirdly, resilience is considered a property of spatial configurations to change the uses from a residential to a commercial one. The physical properties of space are essential to produce commercial space; a multi-scalar structure, for example, is highly resilient due to the diversity of commercial connections that supports. Fourthly, resilience is applied at the level of the neighbourhood to look at how the commercial system has excluded other uses and users of space to the point of specialising the area into a commercial system.

A diagram is presented in Figure 2 to provide a schematic overview of the process, as conceptualised by the thesis hypotheses. The diagram uses the form of a ‘production line’

to emphasise that although the process is decentralised and complex, the progression moves towards the instrumentalisation of space and depletion of the local community.

The theoretical construction will be explained in the following paragraphs.

75

Figure 2 Street vending ‘production’ of space

76 The set of hypotheses rely on a coherent understanding of urban transformation derived from two theories: Lefebvre's production of space and Systems theory. I explain the approach to urban transformation before giving details on the hypotheses.

Production of space, as conceptualised by H. Lefebvre, is a capitalistic approach to urban transformation: space, originally a use-value, gradually becomes an exchange-value, an instrumental asset. Exercise of power is one of the factors that explains and drives the process of transformation, however it doesn't explain the empowerment process itself;

the approach is mechanistic to a certain extent. The core problem of the production of space relies on the loss of the properties (and use-values) of space as a place that maintains and reproduces social cohesion, a problem of the city losing its 'citiciness'. A systems theory approach to urban transformation allows to look at the process 'in the making', and look at it as a multi-dimensional phenomenon. The concept of resilience is applied to different aspects of the system to look at how people, spatial and social organisations adapt, resist and develop new abilities that challenge the general organisation. From this integrated approach, urban transformation is a capitalistic product. However, the 'production of space' is not seen as a mechanistic output, on the contrary, it is conceptualised as a decentralised, multi-scalar and multi-dimensional process.

The hypotheses derive mainly from the theory. Some limitations to the theory were identified, a set of concepts proposed in Part 2.2 Discussing Relevant Debates were proposed to cover some of the gaps in theory. In the following paragraphs, I give details of how each of the hypotheses explain the process of production of space and which debates and concepts were used to formulate a holistic understanding of the phenomenon.

The first hypothesis explains the process of production of space as a consequence of the political empowerment of the street vendors, and how they get control of the streets gradually. This hypothesis derives from Lefebvre's theory, he argues that the production of space is an expression of power. The street vendors are in many cases powerless groups, for this reason it is particularly important to understand the process of empowerment. Especially the role that the authorities and the vendors played in the process and how they structured a system of regulation and management of the commercial streets. This structure presumably preserves the streets as a dominantly commercial organisation.

77 Four concepts discussed in the previous part of the Chapter are useful to enrich the hypothesis. The concept of 'disintegration of the State' proposed by John Cross is helpful to understand how the government operates and how self-interested cliques are willing to get political support from the street vendors to advance their political careers. This creates an opportunity for the vendors to informally negotiate access to the streets. The relationship between the city authorities at different levels and the street vendors will be explored in detail through the study case.

The second concept is the development of 'capabilities in relational systems' developed by Saskia Sassen; capabilities are forces that evolve over time and at some point might represent a force of transformation of the systems to which they are related (Sassen 2006). Street vendors might develop abilities to negotiate with authorities, they also develop organisational capacities and street management skills. The development of these capabilities might change the relation they establish with the authorities and explain the vendors capacity to ensure access to the streets and gradually take control of them.

The third concept is resilience, this is a capacity to overcome a shock and maintain the essential functioning of a system. Resilience in the first hypothesis is applied at two levels, one is to street vendors as a social group and the second is to the street co-management structure. In the case of the street vendors, resilience can be observed by the groups' capacity to resist eviction by helping each other and forming initial organisations. In the case of the co-management structure resilience is observed by the capacity of the commercial system to keep access to the streets despite the political changes. In the literature on resilience by Folke et al. they show how an integrated management structure, formed by authorities and local groups, strengthen the resilience of the socio-ecological system as mentioned in Part 2.2.2 (Folke et al. 2003, ). I use this idea to suggest that the integration of a street management structure, under systematic informal arrangements between the authorities and the vendors, increase the resilience of the commercial system to adapt and persist over time.

The fourth concept looks at the process of recodification of space. This process was already central in Lefebvre's theory. I use the concept as defined by Duhau et al. to suggest that the experiences of the vendors, the way they think about space and their practices produce a specific form of space (Duhau et al. 2008). Streets are 'public' from a legal perspective but vending places might be appropriated by the vendors as a 'private', exclusive object. I suggest that experience and time is central for the vendors to form the

78 idea that a specific space belongs to them as they have been using it for a long time for selling, this might legitimate the position of the vendors. The codes established by the practice of space over time have a direct effect on the production of space as a specific output, space as a business asset. To enforce these codes, the street management structures might play an important role as regulatory systems, ensuring control and access to space. For example, street vendors are protected by local leaders who have arrangements with the local authorities.

The first hypothesis is formulated as follows: The way the government operates creates opportunities for street vendors to negotiate their access to space in exchange of political support for local cliques. However, the process is not only driven by the city authorities, street vendors develop important capacities over time which can change the relationship with the government. Once empowered, the vendors might increase the control they exert over the areas negotiated with authorities. At long term, the arrangements between vendors and authorities might form a co-management structure that regulates the uses of the street for commercial purposes. This structure can enforce new codes of use to the streets, favouring the commercial uses and practices over the interest of other city users.

The processes of empowerment, related to the street vendors ability to negotiate, manage, control, and change the codes of space, can explain the capacity of street vending to produce space.

While political power, related to the control and codification of space, is important in the production of space, it cannot give insights on the specific organisation of space as a (commercial) product, and the consequences of that process. This is a limitation of Lefebvre's theory, this thesis overcomes this limitation by looking at the spatial output and the consequences of the re-organisation of the neighbourhood, especially for excluded groups.

The spatial qualities of marketplaces are central to fulfil their function, not any place can become a market which works as a node for social and economic exchange. In the past, the marketplace was at the origin of cities emerging in the intersections of trading routes. The capacity of markets to 'connect' distant locations through production and distribution networks might produce complex configurations of space, which are favouring the transformation of space into an instrumental asset. This is relevant as the production of space, as an increasing efficient marketplace, requires a specific organisation that enhances the potential of the area as a commercial hub.

79 Four concepts, defined in Part 2.2, were used to construct the second hypothesis. The first is the 'configurations of space' which suggests that certain elements on space work together, each one playing a role as 'nodes', 'paths', 'edges', etc., forming a coherent ensemble. The idea that I develop is related to the functioning of the commercial system as an organisation of space. An example of this are the covered markets working as complementary structures and forming with the street vendors a robust commercial area.

The second concept is related to the resilience from a spatial perspective. A specific layout might be more adaptable for multiple functions than others. For example, large plots of housing estates have difficulties to get integrated to the cities, it is difficult to develop commercial areas and generate employment in this kind of layout. While areas that have small plots and a well connected street grid can evolve quicker and transform in a more efficient way accordingly to the population needs and demands. The adaptability of an urban layout might play an important role in allowing the area to transform its uses and form new configurations of space. In the case of street vending, it is relevant to look at spatial adaptability as the informal markets are emerging in areas that are not planned in advance. However, certain places might have resilient urban structures that permit the market to emerge and expand, becoming a commercial node at different scales: local, city, regional, transnational, etc..

The third concept is related to increase in the efficiency of the commercial system. This concept comes from the literature on sustainability in socio-ecological systems (Folke et al. 2003). From this approach, systems are in constant transformation, if a system increases the efficiency of some particular function it might increase the vulnerability of the general system. I am interested in vulnerability in relation to the social relations that space contains and its role to reinforce and maintain the cohesion of social groups. In the case of street vending, I use the concept to argue that the commercial system is producing space to become more efficient while rendering vulnerable the neighbourhood as a social, non commercial organisation. Space becomes a business on itself, an exchange-value.

The fourth concept comes from the Global City theory developed by Saskia Sassen (Sassen 1991). This theory suggests that space is changing as it is connecting distant localities through economic processes, while at local scale those same places are getting disconnected to a certain extent the territories where they are anchored. In the case of the informal world market, places are getting connected to different localities, at

80 different scales to carry out commercial transactions. It is particularly interesting to see how these multiple connections are changing the value, and role, of space; and how these changes are dismantling other functions of space. I am not arguing that the production of space is a consequence of globalisation, but certainly it intensifies the process.

The second hypothesis is formulated as follows: The production of space is a process that is tending to give a specific form to space, this form is space as a 'commercial product'.

The logic that underlies the commercial organisation of space might give insights to understand the process of transformation of space. I consider important to know what specific kind of spatial-product the system is producing and how it is used precisely as an instrument for accumulation processes. I am interested in exploring the multi-scalar and multi-dimensional connections and the way they are modifying space as a value.

The third hypothesis explores the production of space as a process that depletes the neighbourhood. By looking at this depletion, the transformation of space is revealed as a destructive progression. The problem of depletion of space as a use-value is related to the incapacity of the neighbourhood to provide space to reproduce the social cohesion of a multiplicity of groups. This loss not only produce tensions within the groups that are excluded from space, but directly affects the capabilities of a neighbourhood to persist over time. The problem of production of space is a problem of creating vulnerability.

Three concepts discussed in Part 2.2 are used to build the hypothesis. The concept of 'configurations of space' is used to look at the functioning of the neighbourhood as a social, non commercial configuration. The public spaces, parks, different typologies of housing and the streets are used in a specific way by the local community and form a configuration of space. As the commercial system grows, it tends to affect the social organisation of the neighbourhood. I am interested in looking at how the appropriation (and recodification) of public and private spaces by the street market logic has affected the social cohesion of the community and the functioning of the neighbourhood as a social organisation.

The second concept is 'social space', this concept is used to analyse those spaces that have special significance for the community, this might be a square, a street or any element on space. The sense of community is reflected in these meaningful spaces. I analysed these meaningful spaces to unveil social cohesion through its relation to space and its depletion over time.

81 To describe social space Lefebvre uses two concepts 'representations of space' and 'spaces of representation'. The concept 'representations of space' refers to how people think of space and act accordingly to that particular mindset. For example, street are conceptualised as an extension of the courtyards inside the collective houses, the gate to the patios is always open and the local community use both spaces to sit, talk, play among many other activities; the streets are conceptualised (and practiced) as community assets. The second concept, 'spaces of representation', refer to those places that have special significance for social groups. For example, a specific square, a main street, or other elements might be particularly significant for a group or community. I use these concepts to suggest that the production of space is not only a physical transformation of the neighbourhood but most importantly an alteration of the social relations formed within space.

The third and last concept is 'vulnerability' applied to socio-ecological systems (Folke et al. 2003). I suggest that a neighbourhood might become vulnerable as a consequence of the increase in the efficiency of its commercial functions. Vulnerability is created by reducing the spaces for social interaction such as parks, squares, streets, etc., and by the modification of the way the neighbourhood is practiced. The spatial relations modify the way the community practices space and reinforces its cohesion. I have a special interest in studying the relationships between the collective houses and the streets and how the practices of space and sense of community evolve over time.

Communities are formed by different social groups, with diverse profiles and bounded by different interests, sharing certain values and traits. These traits can be the development of a particular language, the emergence of a local culture related to a set of shared values, the development of a religion and festivities particular to that community. The sense of belonging to the neighbourhood is related to a particular way of practicing it.

The third hypothesis is formulates as follows: The vulnerability of the neighbourhood is part of the process of the production of space, a necessary condition to make of space an exchange-value. As discussed in Part 2.2.1, Robert Biel suggest that exploitation of certain assets requires control; in this thesis I applied the idea to space (Biel 2010). To get control of an asset, it is necessary to remove and destroy the role of groups and people who use, take care and protect those assets, not as a personal business, but for a shared use; the community as a 'gatekeepers' of space. The residents and their organisations control behaviours considered as abusive, for example asking the street vendors to let children play in the streets or make space for residents to park their cars. However over

82 time conflicts might be resolved in favour of groups becoming powerful, changing the rules of the game in their benefit, including violent confrontations.

From this perspective, vulnerability is not a side effect of the transformation of the neighbourhood. I am arguing that the process of production of space requires the dismantlement of the cohesion of local groups and sense of community to maximise the

From this perspective, vulnerability is not a side effect of the transformation of the neighbourhood. I am arguing that the process of production of space requires the dismantlement of the cohesion of local groups and sense of community to maximise the