Intermediación Financiera Directa

(1999)

Introduction

The EKD Council, whose term of office is six years, is made up of 15 lay people and clergy. 14 of the members are elected jointly by the Synod and the Church Conference; the President of the Synod is the 15th member ex officio. The Synod and the Church Conference select the Chairperson of the Council and his/her deputy jointly from amongst the council members.

The Council governs the EKD as regards all issues not expressly reserved for other organs. It is particularly responsible for ensuring co-operation between the church agencies and associations in all areas, for represent- ing Protestant Christianity in the public sphere and commenting on issues of religious and social life. This is generally done either by making statements on current concerns at short notice or by having memoranda, studies, contributions to public debates and position papers drawn up. The following paper deals with a phenomenon that is rooted in an al- ternative celebration to confirmation based on a secular world view.

Jugendweihe became popular in the German Democratic Republic and

remained so after 1989, when the GDR ended its existence. The paper identifies challenges and perspectives in relation between confirmation and Jugendweihe and proposed several actions.

The Church accompanies young people through their lives in dif- ferent ways. These include confirmation education and confirmation itself. The Council of the Evangelical Church in Germany (EKD) treated this subject in its reader “Discovering Faith” (1998). The document also addresses the relationship between confirmation and the secular Jugendweihe ceremony.

The Jugendweihe or Jugendfeier still finds widespread acceptance in former East Germany while relatively few young people are con- firmed in Church. Some would opt for both, but a greater number goes without either. As a reaction to this development, the introduc- tion of Church-based Jugendfeier ceremonies has been suggested.

1. The Jugendweihe is indeed not a product of the German Democratic Republic, but its current position and significance is closely related to the history of the GDR.

The Jugendweihe ceremony was created in the mid-19th _{century by}

free secular humanist groups as an equivalent to the established Churches’ confirmation. Later, freethinker circles adopted the prac- tice and propagated it as an atheist, anticlerical alternative. After initial hesitation, the SED (Socialist Unity Party of the GDR) adopted their tradition and began advocating Jugendweihe participa- tion in 1954: “The Jugendweihe is to be a source of strength for the further development of young people. It is to encourage them to develop all their faculties for the well-being of their country.” The SED intended to undermine widespread acceptance of Church con- firmation by countering it with its own secular rite, binding youths to the state ideology in a solemn oath. This led to conflicts with many Christian families and congregations in which the state often resorted to rigid measures to enforce its stance. These achieved grow- ing participation in the Jugendweihe, which developed into a Social- ist rite of passage. Along with the political destruction of the social milieus in which Protestantism had traditionally flourished, this contributed to the breach with religious culture and tradition that led to large numbers of people eventually leaving the Church.

Participation and non-participation in Jugendweihe ceremonies were carefully recorded by the organs of state. In the 1980s, figures ap- proached 90 to 95 % of an age cohort. However, these numbers went hand in hand with a growing detachment from the ideological con- tent of the ceremony as contradictions between the universal claims of the Socialist state and the realities of the individual lives of its citizens increased. Jugendweihe took the shape of two distinct cele- brations – an official one supervised by the state and a more impor- tant private one in the family circle. This was in keeping with the role of refuge and sanctuary space that the family often had in the GDR. Family Jugendweihe celebrations often deliberately distanced themselves from the ‘Socialist state’, creating their own tradition and identity of East Germany.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, Jugendweihe figures dropped from 75 % in 1990 to under 30 % in 1993. In the years following, they rose again to around 45 % (these figures are based on data provided by the organisers of the ceremony and not independently verifiable). In the GDR, the ceremonies had been planned by the »Central Ju-

gendweihe Committee« (Zentraler Ausschuß für Jugendweihe) and its

subordinate branches. Its work is today continued by the »Associa- tion for Humanist Youth Work and Jugendweihe« (Interessenvereini-

gung für humanistische Jugendarbeit und Jugendweihe e.V.) which is

divided into five state-level organisations. Numerous functionaries of the GDR body continued work in the new organisation. Until 1990, ceremonies had been mostly funded by state subsidies, with state work-creation schemes providing labour for the successor or- ganisation until 1993. Today, most of the money is raised through fees and membership contributions, with sponsorships by local com- panies and retailers playing an increasing role. Several major com- panies are using Jugendweihe contributions as part of their youth marketing strategies. In addition, a large pool of volunteers supports the Jugendweihe locally.

The changed situation in East Germany was regarded as a promising recruitment field above all by secular humanist associations, fore- most the “German Humanist Association” (Humanistischer Verband

Deutschlands e.V). They were hoping for significant membership

potential in the deconfessionalised population and intensively mar- keted their own Jugendfeier ceremonies as an equivalent to the old

Jugendweihe. The share of secular humanist Jugendfeier ceremonies

is today estimated at around 10–15 % of the total, though member- ship numbers in humanist organisations have only changed slightly.

Alongside the major organisers of Jugendweihe or Jugendfeier ceremo- nies, several small providers such as the Arbeiterwohlfahrt mutual aid association are active.

In West Germany, the number of Jugendweihe ceremonies has risen slightly, but the overall figure is still marginal at best. Demand has not risen even in communities where large numbers of former GDR citizens have moved since 1989.

The ceremonies themselves usually follow the pattern traditional in the GDR. They take place in a solemn setting and at a significant location, the participants are presented to the audience (normally on a stage), a ‘cultural programme’ (music or literary recitations), a speech by a guest (usually a politician or otherwise prominent per- son) and the presentation of a certificate and symbolic gifts (such as flowers and books) are common while an oath is hardly ever admin- istered any more.

Most Jugendweihe ceremonies no longer have any discernible ideo- logical profile. Secular humanist Jugendfeier ceremonies on the other hand often clearly show anticlerical and anti-Christian elements. Some Jugendweihe ceremonies still (or again) express similar atheist sentiments (cf. 9.). The majority of them, though, are designed mainly as a rite of passage, a celebration of ‘growing up’.

2. Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier ceremonies still garner much public atten- tion in East Germany. They are often celebrated both by families and young people. The tradition is hardly ever reflected critically.

The Jugendweihe tradition has successfully adapted to the realities of reunified Germany and differentiated into several niches since

1990. From the GDR’s state celebration, it has changed into a pop- ular and marketable ritual service product. “Jugendweihe” has es- sentially become a brand. However, the apparent pluralisation con- ceals what continues to be a de-facto monopoly position. In the mind of the broader public, the tradition largely continues to be one of ‘the’ Jugendweihe in which the children of a community partici- pate as a matter of course. Most people welcomed the shedding of ideological baggage after 1989, but few consider the available alter- natives in terms of quality options. It continues to be organised by an outside agent without any great degree of personal involvement by the participants. Even the secular humanist Jugendfeier ceremo- nies often follow this de-ideologised, bland pattern and are conse- quently criticised by some West German humanist associations as “devoid of any clear position.”

Obviously, the Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier ceremony meets an impor- tant need among large parts of the population in former East Ger- many. Both parents and young people regard it as ‘their’ celebration and enjoy the attention lavished on participants by their social en- vironment. Growing inequality and uncertainty created by the ex- perience of rapid political change further contribute to the need for certainties. The public rite of Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier can offer the individual recognition and attention; create positive memories and emotive ‘belonging’. “The Jugendweihe is one place where a positive East German group identity comes alive.” (A. Meier)

Organisers of Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier ceremonies try to meet these demands as fully and seamlessly as possible. This constellation of mutual dependency ensures that no critical rethinking of or distanc- ing from the tradition of Jugendweihe ceremonies in the GDR as a means of imposing totalitarian uniformity and discipline takes place. It is in the interest of no party: Many members of the “Interessenv-

ereinigung für Jugendweihe” (Interest grouping for Jugendweihe) al-

ready organised ceremonies in the GDR and would therefore have to face up to their personal complicity. Humanist associations would need to face the fragility of their beliefs. Parents do not want incon- venient questions – perhaps by their own children – to mar the

festive atmosphere. Dispensing with the oath and emphasising the tradition of the – frequently critical – family circle celebrations is widely regarded as sufficient distance from the dictatorial past.

3. While confirmation and Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier show parallels in their social function as rites of passage, they are clearly and fundamen- tally different.

The developments described above meant that confirmation was never able to regain the importance as a rite of passage it still held in the GDR as late as the 1950s. In the early 1950s, over 80% of young people were confirmed while by the late 1960s, the number had dropped to under 10%. Since the end of the GDR, the figure has consistently remained around 14%. For confirmation to acquire a status similar to the one it holds in West Germany would have required a mass movement back into the Churches, something that, despite the high esteem they were held in especially during the years after 1989, did not happen.

To formulate an adequate reaction to this situation, the common features as well as the differences of both confirmation and Jugen-

dweihe/Jugendfeier must be studied more closely. Both ceremonies:

have great significance for young people and their social environ-

–

ment,

address the desire of family members for a celebration especially

–

for children growing into adulthood,

radiate into the broader social environment (milieu, urban neigh-

–

bourhood or village community, school student body, colleagues of parents) and

are embedded into traditional contexts with specific contents.

–

This analysis needs to take into account that the perceived signifi- cance of confirmation in the family and social environment in the Eastern Länder is often much less than it is in the West.

Confirmation, and the confirmation education it is embedded in, refer human aspirations, expectations and desires beyond themselves

to the divine and integrate several different fields of human experi- ence:

It brings together the questions, doubts and discoveries of its

–

young charges with the necessarily alienating, provocative and liberating experiences and insights of Christians in their faith, combines its function as a signal event in the life of young people

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and confirming action in the remembrance of baptism and ex- pectation of eucharistic community – of human companionship and divine blessing and

combines the social spheres of the adolescents – their families,

–

peer groups, school and leisure activities – with the world of their local Christian community, and with encounters with Christian communities everywhere.

In practice, the Jugendweihe tends to remain a punctual event (secu- lar humanist Jugendfeier ceremonies differ in this respect) while con- firmation exists in a continuous process that embraces numerous forms of learning and living in classes, excursions, projects, leisure activities, divine services and celebrations – long before the day of confirmation itself, and in the shape of Church youth offerings also long after it.

4. Both the similarities and differences between confirmation and Jugend- weihe/Jugendfeier are a challenge to the Church and its communities.

The anthropological and social and the ecclesiastical and theological functions of confirmation education are not alternatives, but while they complement each other, they can be clearly distinguished and variously emphasised. This raises questions about practices in the Church in both East and West:

The acceptance and perceived plausibility of Christian traditions is visibly declining in the Western Länder as well as in the East. This situation demands that we ask whether confirmation still plays the role of activating fundamental insights of the Christian faith, or whether it has atrophied into a mere socially expected rite of passage.

In former East Germany, on the other hand, it must be asked how the past confrontation of confirmation and Jugendweihe shape the respective actual uses and values of the competing rituals. Has the confrontational stance of the GDR days limited the content of con- firmation to the aspects of Baptism and creed? Do we take enough account of the fact that Christian biographies are not invariably consistent and unidirectional (cf. 10.)?

5. No state involvement in Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier ceremonies, either direct or indirect, is acceptable.

Many people in former East Germany believe that Jugendweihe/Ju-

gendfeier ceremonies should be provided as a public service. However,

no involvement of any state organs in these ceremonies, directly or indirectly, can be acceptable to us. The state is constitutionally obli- gated to maintain strict religious and ideological neutrality in all its functions and would severely compromise its stance if it were to

allow or instruct teachers at public schools to advertise the cer-

–

emonies or pass out applications, thus creating the impression that they are in any way connected to the school or state au- thorities. (Lists of participants often use classification by district, school or class to create the impression of unity and exert subtle pressure to join one’s peers in »the« ceremony.)

permit associations or organisations providing

– Jugendweihe/Ju-

gendfeier events to gain tax privileges through non-profit status.

declare the single preparatory classes for the

– Jugendweihe/Jugend-

feier as nonprofit youth work, thus allowing to receiving state

subsidies.

permit recognised non-profit associations that also offer the

– Ju-

gendweihe (such as the Arbeiterwohlfahrt mutual aid society) to

mix this type of work with its other activities, using staff provided by state-funded work creation schemes in their organisation. provide government-owned venues such as town halls, schools,

–

concert halls etc. for Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier ceremonies free of charge.

In this context we must point to the recent judgement by the Berlin administrative court declaring subsidies worth several million Euros previously provided to the Humanist Association of Berlin to be illegal.

Prominent individuals should consider well which organisations and positions their presence and speaking at a Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier may lend support and legitimacy to.

6. The offer of confirmation and confirmation education by the Church is more comprehensive than Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier ceremonies and should be more confidently presented as such.

Renewed acceptance for confirmation in plural and secularised East Germany cannot be created by antagonising and demonising the

Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier tradition. The people who currently avail

themselves of or sympathise with it would not understand the basis of such polemics. The Church does not need to fear competition by

Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier ceremonies. It can recreate its relationship

with young people and their families from the possibilities it carries within itself. The confirming act is an active, open, subject-oriented process that involves young people and opens new dimensions to them. The offer of the Gospel message addresses their individual and societal questions, from the everyday to the abstract level of the origin, purpose and goal of human existence. In confirmation edu- cation, young people encounter different forms and contents of faith which they can individually explore and appropriate for themselves; they can ‘discover faith’. The Church needs to expand and emphasise this unique offer in both East and West. There is no reason to adopt a reactive strategy or fall into paralysis in the face of competition by other rituals.

7. Church congregations must consider how offers of confirmation edu- cation can be made more attractive for young people.

Young people today have many options and choose carefully among them. This also applies to confirmation education. Not all of them are open for the openness we offer them. Confirmation education must become interesting and important to them. It needs appropri- ate, situationally modifiable forms of combining experience with reflection, meditation with action, work with play and discourse with celebration. Young people must be given the opportunity to identify with their parish and worship by being allowed to contrib- ute their questions, answers and experiences. The decision for faith and membership in the Christian parish is not only manifested in the act of confirmation. Neither is confirmation a completion, but a step along a greater path.

8. The rejection of the GDR Jugendweihe based on the commitment to Christian faith has a historical significance that must not be forgotten.

Churches in the GDR rightly stressed that Jugendweihe, as an avow- edly atheist rite massively propagated as a Socialist state function, is incompatible with confirmation. Young people who embraced this position and refused to take part in the Jugendweihe faced – depend- ing on the time and place – personal and professional discrimination and occasionally active repression. Witnessing their Christian faith could leave both parents and children facing agonising decisions. The experience of past injustice has shaped the biographies of many Christians and their families to this day. Their decisions and the consequences bear a specific weight that cannot be diminished by the following considerations.

9. The relationship between confirmation and Jugendweihe/Jugendfeier will have to be reconsidered and weighted differently, region by region.

Past suffering must not close future perspectives. The Church must earnestly accept both the positive experiences and expectations of children and young people and their disappointments and rejections. The generation that today enters confirmation education has no formative experience of the GDR, however much its effects continue to be felt. They must not be bound to the battlelines of past ideo- logical conflicts.

Today, there are several positions on whether participation in Jugen-

dweihe/Jugendfeier and confirmation are compatible. Some demand

a strict adherence to the fundamental position of incompatibility. Individual exceptions made under the GDR regime have no more justification in a liberal democracy. Nobody is forced to participate in a Jugendweihe today, though peer-group pressure can still be high if almost all students in a school class opt for it (cf. 5.). Others point out that the character of Jugendweihe ceremonies has changed (cf. 1.) and that even Jugendfeier events (to the chagrin of their secular humanist sponsors) often is little more than the joyous celebration