Thailand faced inter-ethnic tension in its southern provinces of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat, which are predominantly inhabited by Muslim Malay Thais. Allegations were levelled against the Thai government to the effect that Muslims in the south had been treated harshly, partly because of their resistance to adopting the Thai/ Buddhist culture. The election of Thaksin in 2001 exacerbated the situation, particularly following some of the political actions taken by him in this region. Malaysia as the neighbouring country expressed its concern over some of the actions taken by Bangkok to curb Muslim insurgency, which included mass arrests and discriminatory policies132.
Thaksin Shinawatra became Thailand’s Prime Minister in 2001 when his party, Thai Rak Thai (TRT-Thais Love Thai), won a landslide victory in one of the most open and corruption-free elections in Thai history133. Thaksin’s TRT party thrived on populist propaganda, which resounded perfectly with the Thai public. Despite being elected overwhelmingly by the Thais, his government was frequently challenged with allegations of dictatorship, demagogy, corruption, conflicts of interest, human rights offences, acting undiplomatically, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards a free press134. Although Thailand was steadily recovering from the 1997-1998
132 Please refer to Harish, S.P. 2006. ‘Ethnic or Religious Cleavage? Investigating the Nature Of The Conflict in Southern Thailand’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vol. 28,
No. 1: 48-69.
133 Robert B. Albritton and Thawilwadee Bureekul (2004), ‘Developing Democracy under a New Constitution in Thailand’, National Taiwan University and Academia Sinica Asian Barometer Project Office Working Paper Series No. 28,
134 The Star, ‘Dreaded day dawns – despite lies and dark forces’, 2 April 2006
economic recession, some of the policies that Thaksin embarked on were controversial.
Two of the most controversial policies, at least in the eyes of the international community, were his fight against drugs and how he handled the Thai Muslim conflict. It was alleged that more than 2,700 people were killed, claimed to be part of the drug underworld organisations135. Allegations of selective targeting by the Thai Royal Police emerged as the operation to eradicate drug (methamphetamine) use in three months was launched.
Desperate measures were taken to achieve the set target, including selective killings.
Human Rights Watch, a non-governmental organisation based in New York, alleged that on the whole, these killings were extrajudicial executions that, most of the time, involved civilians who were not connected to the drug lords136. These accusations were naturally refuted by Thaksin. Despite the huge number of killings, the war on drugs campaign was applauded within many quarters of Thai society, especially from academic circles137.
135 ‘The War on Drugs, HIV/AIDS, and Violations of Human Rights in Thailand’. Human Rights Watch.
136 Despite all the arrests and killing that occurred, none of the Thai drug barons were caught, which prompted suspicion about the real intention of such actions. It was reported that more than 1400 of the killings involved the general public, according to a special committee set up by the military government in 2006. However, the committee failed to link these killings to Thaksin. "Thailand's drug wars. Back on the offensive". January 24, 2008. The Economist.
137 "Thai drugs war attacked", BBC, February 24, 2003.
Thaksin’s handling of the Malay-Muslim group in the three southern provinces was also controversial. The Kru Se Mosque and the Tak Bai incident, which in both cases involved scores of lives lost, were condemned and criticised by both international and regional leaders. Thaksin replied by saying that this was an internal matter and any criticism towards his government would be considered as interference in Thailand’s internal affairs. A coup led by Army Commander General Sonthi Boonyaratglin on 19 September 2006 brought Thaksin’s government to an abrupt end138.
Thailand has seen its constitution changed sixteen times since the end of the absolute monarch era in 1932 (McCargo, 2002:2). Since 1932, out of thirty-six Thai prime ministers, sixteen have been elected to lead military interim governments. The last military coup of 2006, which witnessed the self-imposed exile of Thaksin in London, would only reinforce the international recognition that Thai politics needed the strong and undivided support of military forces, which in turn would be loyal to the Thai monarch139. Whenever the ruling government starts to sway from its primary role of serving the Thais, the military enters the fray and cleans the house until it can restore order and hold a new election. With such a volatile situation, criticism and foreign interference in Thai politics is seen as highly intrusive and unwelcome.
138 "Thai armed forces seize Bangkok", Reuters, September 19, 2006
139 Although the monarch no longer holds executive and legislative power, it has positioned itself well above everything in Thailand. A king of Thailand is considered the representation of the Buddhist God in this world. Therefore, he is beyond humanity and commands respect and sovereignty. That is why, during the latest coup, General Sonthi’s coup army tied yellow cloths or ribbons on its personnel as a sign of support for the King and faced very little resistance from the public. Troops participating in the coup were from the 1st and 3rd Army Regions, the Internal Security Operations Command, the Special Warfare Centre and Army units in Nakhon Ratchasima and Prachin Buri provinces and sections of the Navy. With the careful coordination by Sonthi, other troops that did not join the coup stood down and did not retaliate.