According to the American Heritage New Dictionary of Cultural Literary, SES is conceptualized as an individual‘s or group‘s position within a hierarchical social structure. It is usually an economically and sociologically combined variable, including occupation, education, income, wealth, and place of residence. Despite the disagreement on the concept of SES, in the field of education, it often measured as a combination of the parents‘ education, income, and occupation (Hauser, 1994; Sirin, 2005)
According to the theory of SES, the variation in the academic achievement among students is the result of the inequalities based on SES environment of their families. This school of thought identifies poverty as an important and main factor that cause school failure, as it is generally associated with a deficit of human capital17 among families as
well as a lack of active parental involvement in the educational promotion of their children (Mc Andrew et al., 2009). Coleman (1966) firstly introduced the concept of SES in the field of education. In his famous report, Equality of Educational Opportunity, he suggests that students from affluent families can attend private schools and receive education of better quality while those from poor families may not have access to those resources. Later on, he also emphasizes the function of SES in the creation of a family‘s cultural and social capital, which affects students‘ educational pathways (Coleman, 1988). Many recent studies also stress the close relationship between SES and school outcomes.
For example, Aikens and Barbarin‘s (2008) study suggests children‘s low early reading outcomes is related to poverty. Also, the school systems in low SES communities are often underresourced, negatively affecting students‘ academic progress. Also, the research of Morgan et al. (2009) indicates that children from low-SES households and communities develop academic skills more slowly compared to children from families with higher SES. Moreover, using different data and method, Heyneman and Loxley (1983) place Coleman‘s findings into a larger context by examining educational attainment in several countries. This study demonstrates that family background matters more for student achievement than do school variations in wealthier countries with more established school systems, while school effects are actually stronger in poorer nations where mass schooling is newer (Heyneman & Loxley,1983; Davies & Guppy, 2006).
However, the issue of SES and its relationship to school outcomes in a migratory context is more complex than what the abovementioned research suggests. For instance, a meta- analysis of American studies published between 1990 and 2000 (Sirin, 2005) shows a medium to strong SES-achievement relationship, but this impact is not consistent across groups. On the one hand, many immigrant communities, regardless of their social class, seem to be benefiting from the high valorization of education in a context of migration (Chow, 2004). This is especially the case for Chinese and other Asian students. In the United States, for instance, not only the Chinese children of foreign-born physicians, scientists, and engineers, but also those of underprivileged families have repeatedly shown remarkable educational achievements (Zhou & Kim, 2006). In Canada, the over- performance of Chinese students stands out even when various characteristics, including the SES of their families, are accounted for. For example, the regression analysis of the abovementioned pan-Canadian comparative research demonstrates that SES indicators, such as the median family revenue, have proved to be of little significance for the rate of graduation and participation in selective courses of Chinese speakers in Montreal (Mc Andrew et al., 2009; 2011).
On the other hand, the negative academic trajectory may be influenced not only by poverty, but also by the unfavourable pre-migration, migration, post-migration stages. In
this regard, the study of Ornelas and Perreira (2011) on Latino immigrant families in the United States indicates that pre-migration stage factors, such as political unrest and persecution negatively affect the psychological wellbeing and academic achievement of Latino children. In a Canadian context, the research of Kanouté et al. (2008) suggests that school failure is more related to unsafe and stressful migration experiences, low level of proficiency in the language of instruction, and discrimination upon settlement in the receiving country.
It is also important to bear in mind that immigrant families with low SES are usually in ―situational‖ poverty, a temporary state caused by certain circumstances such as illness or migration, rather than in ―generational‖ poverty, a state which endures for two generations or more (Bakhshaei, 2013). According to the study of Beiser et al. (1998) on the newly arrived immigrant families, poverty represents a transient and inevitable part of the resettlement process, which has less negative effects on their children‘s health and academic outcomes. Therefore, in a migration context, SES is not the only factor that explains the students‘ academic achievement.
2.1.2 Language proficiency
Language is not only a crucial and significant vehicle in learning and education, but also an essential and necessary tool for information exchanges and communications. Indeed, both the host and heritage language proficiency are found important for the academic achievement of immigrant students (Chow, 2004; Inglis, 2008). Also, immigrant parents‘ proficiency in the host language can play a significant role (Kim, 2002;Vatz-Laaroussi et al., 2008).
Host language
Without student fluency and literacy in the language of schooling (most of the time it is the same as the host language), teachers can not communicate with them and achieve the objectives of the curriculum, which include transmitting society‘s values as well as academic knowledge and skills (Inglis, 2008, p.70). Also, it is important to distinguish the language skills necessary to carry on a conversation and those language skills
required to be competitive academically (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008). To achieve school success requires a relatively high level of proficiency in academic language which allows students to write a quality essay, read quickly enough to be competitive on a timed test, or detect the subtle difference between multiple choice items (Saville-Troike, 1984; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008). Many studies in the early 1960s and 1970s in the United States have found that a lack of proficiency in academic English is a primary causative factor in the low academic achievement of students with linguistic minority backgrounds (Saville-Troike, 1991). A recent study of Fakeye and Yemi (2009) in Nigeria demonstrates that the fluency and literacy of the host language is a predictor of school outcomes. Researchers in Canada also stress the impact of the academic knowledge of the host language on the school performance of immigrant students.
There is no doubt that language acquisition is much easier for native-born children, since they are ―socialized to use the language‖ and ―socialized by the language‖ (Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984). Immigrant students whose mother tongue is other than the language of instruction need not only to learn the new language but also the culture (e.g. the way of thinking) behind it, which complicates the language process. Indeed, Mc Andrew and her colleagues (2009) argue that mastery of the language of instruction has particularly had an impact on disciplines with strong linguistic and cultural components, such as history and literature, which pose greater challenges for students whose first language is not the language of instruction comparing to scientific disciplines such as mathematics or physics (p. 20). For them, not only cognitive aptitude or linguistic ability can influence their second language learning. Other factors are also important, including prior education and literacy, previous experience with learning other languages, exposure to native speakers, and the quality of host language instruction (Bornstein, 1989; Colombo, 1982; Cummins, 2000; Hurford, 1991; Lynch, 2003; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008). The dynamic interaction of these factors impacts language acquisition (Bialystok et al., 1998, Jia & Aaronson, 2003).
In addition, the lack of fluency and literacy in the language of instruction among immigrant parents can lead to misunderstanding and miscommunication between the
school and the parents. And this can probably hinder parental involvement in the youth‘s school education. Studies in both the American and Canadian background suggest that the parental proficiency in the language of schooling may influence their children‘s academic achievement (Berry-Cábon, 1983; Lynch & Stein, 1987; Kim, 2002; Vatz- Laaroussi et al., 2008). For instance, the study of Kim (2002) shows that Korean immigrant parents‘ English proficiency is strongly related to their children‘s educational achievement, because parents who have a higher level of English proficiency are more acculturated to American society and culture and hence tend to have higher levels of educational involvement. Moreover, Vatz-Laaroussi (2008) and her colleagues indicate that in Quebec context, when immigrant parents have a low level of French proficiency, it sets obstacles for the parent-teacher communication. However, Keith and Lichtman‘s (1994) research shows that Mexican American parents‘ English proficiency does not influence their children‘ academic achievement, though it does influence parental involvement. They find that parents who are less proficient discuss school activities and have higher educational expectations for their children than do parents who are proficient in English. This intriguing finding warrants further studies in other ethnic communities, such as the Chinese community and Quebec, since most Chinese in Quebec do not have much knowledge of French.
Heritage language
Many studies suggest that maintaining heritage language has positive impacts on both their second language learning and school outcomes (Chow, 2004; Saville-Troike, 1984; Tang, 2007). First, sociolinguists suggest that the maintenance of minority students‘ mother tongue can contribute to their linguistic and social development, and it is especially a strong predictor of the development of their second language (quoted in Inglis, 2008, p.47). This is because metalinguistic and metacognitive abilities developed in the first language are transferred to the second, and strengthening basic concepts and skills in the mother tongue will contribute to the mastery of other languages, including the host language (Mc Andrew, 2009b, p.1530). In this regard, the research of Saville- Troike (1984) indicates that most of the students, who achieve best in a test of various
subjects, were those who have had the opportunity to discuss the same concepts in their native language with other children and adults.
Second, heritage language facilitates the creation of social capital in immigrant families and community, because it is a means of developing relationship with family members and co-ethnic networks. For instance, several studies on the Korean community in the United States and Canada indicate that a high level of heritage language proficiency of immigrant children is not only beneficial for facilitating the communication with their parents, especially on school matters, but also for developing a closer relationship with the family (including extended families) and the community (Cho et al., 1997; Park & Sarkar, 2007). The findings of the research of Francis et al. (2009) and that on the Chinese community in the United Kingdom are consistent with these studies. Moreover, Zhou and Kim‘s (2006) study shows that speaking the heritage language is a key factor for Chinese and Korean immigrant children to establish networks among co-ethnic peers, which sometimes is beneficial their psychological wellbeing.
Finally, the heritage or community language is a central marker of minority students‘ identities, which influences their self-esteem and assimilation into the culture, and hence their attitude towards schooling (quoted in Ballantine & Hammanck, 2009, p. 139). For example, the case study of Bankston and Zhou (1995) in the Vietnamese community finds that literacy in Vietnamese is positively related to identification of the ethnic group and to academic achievement. In a Canadian context, Chow‘s (2004) study on Chinese immigrant children in Canada indicates that those who were born in the country, and identified themselves as Chinese, demonstrated a higher level of Chinese language proficiency, possessed more ethnic capital and performed better academically in school.
2.1.3 Cultural capital
As a branch of conflict theory, cultural reproduction and resistance theories argue that the amount of cultural capital is an indicator of one‘s status, as well as his or her school outcomes. Bourdieu (1977; 1979; 1986) defines cultural capital as information, knowledge, skills, and education that a person has about specific cultural beliefs,
traditions, and standards of behaviour that promote success and accomplishment in his or her life. Just like economic production, some schools and families process more ―cultural capital‖ for success, while some others do not, thus the social class structure is reproduced (Ballantine & Hammanck, 2009). According to Bourdieu (1979; 1986), cultural capital can exist in three forms: in the embodied state, in the form of long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body, such as culture and tradition; in the objectified state, in the form of cultural goods, such as pictures, books instruments and machines; and in the institutionalized state, such as educational qualifications which refers to certificate or diplomas.
Embodied cultural capital
The embodied form of cultural capital is a ―competence‖, skill, belief, attitude, or habits developed in the process of socialization and instruction. It can be best expressed in the concept of habitus:
Habitus consists of a set of historical relations ―deposited‖ within individual bodies in the forms of mental and corporeal schemata of perception, appreciation and action… Habitus and fields designate bundles of relations (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p.16).
Habitus includes bodily comportment and speaking as markers of distinction, which can be influenced by gender, family, social class, ethnic background, religion, education, etc. (Erel, 2010; Holt,1998 ). According to Bourdieu (1979; 1986), the unequal distribution of cultural capital between students with different backgrounds, especially social class, leads to the difference in academic achievement. He explains that students born in middle and upper class families have good school performance because they possess the sophisticated tastes and styles associated with highly cultured people, which are linked to formal education. Coleman (1988) also suggests that cultural capital is very much influenced by the SES of a family, because affluent families have more opportunities to socialize their children into unconscious habits such as ways of thinking, confidence, and perceptions of life choices, which provide them cultural advantages (Davies & Guppy, 2006).
However, Bourdieu‘s definition of this type of cultural capital is criticised as not clear, as it can be operationalized in several ways (Sullivan, 2001). For example, it can be interpreted as knowledge of and participation in the dominant culture, linguistic ability, or reading activities (De Graaf et al., 2000; Sullivan, 2001). Cultural activities other than reading books have often tended towards highly exclusive activities such as attendance at theatres, museums, classical music concerts, and art exhibitions (Sullivan, 2001). Yet, many studies demonstrate that the only family cultural practice that is associated consistently with school success is reading, or any practice that facilitates literacy (De Graaf et al., 2000; Kingston, 2000; Sullivan, 2001). Further, Bourdieu perceives cultural capital as a reproduction channel for families with different social strata. Nevertheless, studies in the United States and the Netherlands indicate that it actually functions as a compensating resource for parents of lower classes (De Graaf et al., 2000; DiMaggio, 1982). Roscigno and Anisworth-Darnell (1999) also find that highbrow cultural capital does not have a large, independent effect on the variation in the educational attainment of different groups, although it does mediate some of the racial and SES disadvantage. The findings of these studies seem to be in favour of cultural mobility theory (rather than cultural reproduction)—cultural capital is more important for children from lower or middle classes than those from upper classes. Further, there is no deterministic relationship between social background and participation in highbrow culture, since some parents may prefer other leisure activities or may not have the time to be involved in cultural activities (Kalmijn & Kraaykamp, 1996).
Regarding immigrant students, in addition to highbrow cultural capital, many studies in North America invoke ethnocultural characteristics as their embodied cultural capital to explain their academic achievement (Yet et al., 2008; Li, 2003; Zhou & Bankston, 1998). For instance, these authors see Confucian values, such as respect for education, diligence, and obedience to parents and teachers, as explanations for the high level of academic achievement of Asian students in North America. As a system of moral, social, political, philosophical and quasi-religious thought, Confucianism has had tremendous influence on the culture and society of East Asia. Therefore, many aspects of overseas Asian communities are considered to be influenced by this system of thought, such as parental
expectations towards the education of their children. Moreover, family rules such as limits on teens‘ television watching, time spending on computer games are found to be positively related to students‘ school performance, although these factors are associated with ethnocultural characteristics such as respect to parents (Yan, 1999).
According to this cultural argument, certain minority groups‘ school failures can be attributed to the lack of the necessary cultural criteria to push their members ahead. However, this assumption may be dangerous because they tend to blame the victims for their position in the lower socioeconomic strata in society (Zhou & Kim, 2006). According to relative functionalism, Asian students see education as a means for mobility because other avenues are blocked (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). For example, Connor (1975) attributes the high school outcomes of Japanese Americans to the denial of opportunities to participate in social and other extracurricular activities during pre-World War II period. Hirschman and Wong (1986) also suggest that due to their minority status which leads to exclusion from certain areas, such as leadership, sports, politics, and entertainment, education is a channel for the social mobility.
Moreover, it is important to bear in mind that immigrant youth may not accept the traditional cultural values or meet the familial expectations in a context of intense bicultural and intergenerational conflicts, with different paces of acculturation between parents and children. Hence patterns of school success are likely to vary between individuals according to their adaptation skills as well as ability to develop identity, and strategies that represent a compromise between the previous and the present society (Camilleri, 1990). For example, the study of Wong (2001) demonstrates that high orientation towards traditional culture and low orientation towards mainstream culture are related to more depression symptoms. On the other hand, clearly defined cultural identity, particularly bicultural competence, are found to be beneficial for the psychological development of Chinese American students (Tang, 2007, p. 13). Also, as will be discussed in Section 2.1.4, ethnic sociostructures are necessary to support ethnocultural characteristics in a group-dominant society (Kim, 2006).
Finally, from an anthropological perspective, it is not the possession of cultural characteristics that makes social groups distinct but the sociostructures and interaction with other groups that cause cultural evaluations to appear to be true, and make differences possible, visible, and socially meaningful (quoted in Jenkins, 2008, p. 24). In certain way, an ethnic group‘s performance may be related to its culture, but different circumstance and social environment may favour different behavioural patterns. With the unchanged values and beliefs, the same group of people may pursue different patterns of life and institutionalize diverse forms of behaviour when faced with the various opportunities offered in various environments (Barth, 1969, p.12). For instance, Korean students have different school performance in the United States and Japan, though they may have the same tradition and culture (Ogbu, 1990; Ogbu, & Simmons, 1998).
Objectified cultural capital
Objectified cultural capital is seen as more tangible household educational resources. Bourdieu (1986) conceptualizes this form of capital as simultaneous mediators between social origins and achievement outcomes without relying as systematically on a class- theoretical framework. According to the sociology of literature, material provisions (having books at home, borrowing books from a public library, or giving books as gifts) is one of the factors by which parents enhance their children‘s reading abilities (De Graaf et al., 2000). The research of Roscigno and Anisworth-Darnell (1999) also suggests that household educational resources, such as a daily newspaper, regularly received magazines, encyclopaedias, a dictionary, and a computer, etc., have positive effects on school performance, but their mediating effects on racial and class achievements