1.3 Objectives of the Study
This study is being carried out to achieve certain objectives which are:
1. To examine historically some traditional beliefs and practices in Lagos State prior to Islām.
32 For more details see, S.L.Jimoh, Kufr in Broader Perspectives, Lagos: The Companion (1995) 19;
see also, Muhammad Ibrahim H.I. Surty, The Qur’ān and Al-Shirk (Polytheism), (2nd rev. ed.), London: Ta Ha Publishers (1982), 61; M.A. Wahab, Kitāb at-Tawḥīd, Riyāḍh: Dar-Sallam (2001), 17
2. To analyze as well as highlight the reasons why some Yoruba Muslims in Lagos State are still syncretising in their religious beliefs and practices.
3. To appraise the extent of the impact of traditional religions on Yoruba Muslims in Lagos State.
4. To evaluate the effects of inadequate knowledge and understanding of Tawḥīd among Yoruba Muslims in Lagos State.
5. To consider some various syncretic beliefs and practices those are prevalent amongst some Yoruba Muslims in Lagos State.
6. To raise awareness on various beliefs and practices that may negatively affect their faith (īmān).
7. To critically suggest definitive Islamic solutions to this problem.
Furthermore, the study also aims at disabusing the misconception amongst some historians and scholars of African Traditional Religion that Islam approves of syncretism.33
This study therefore is interested in examining the various traditional beliefs and practices of some Yoruba Muslims in the study area that can be termed syncretism known as al-takhlīṭ in Arabic etymology, which have permeated both the individual and collective lives of some Yoruba Muslims in Lagos State. The study aims at correcting these ‘aberrations’ with a view to bringing into focus the definitive Islāmic viewpoint on some of these beliefs and practices; according to the teachings
33 See for instance, I.M. Lewis (ed.), Islām in Tropical Africa (2nd ed.), London: International African Institute (1966), 65; E.O. Babalola, The Advent and Growth of Islām in West Africa, Ado-Ekiti: Bamgboye & Co Press (1982), 73; J.S.Trimingham, Islām in West Africa, London: Oxford University Press (1959), 21-23. J.S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, London: Heinemann Educational Books (1967), 251.
of the Qur’ān and Sunnah of Prophet Muḥammad (SAW).34 It also aims at enlightening, sensitizing Yoruba Muslims on this issue of syncretism, its negative effects and how to reduce the problem.
1.4 Scope and Limitations
For reasons of time, space and means, I decided to limit the scope of this study to Muslims in Lagos State of Nigeria only and within a particular ethnic group in Lagos, namely the Yoruba people and a particular area, Epe. The reasons for choosing this cannot be overemphasised; Lagos State, as it shall be seen later on in our discussion is one of the earliest and oldest Yoruba States that had accepted Islam ab initio among other Yoruba cities as Clarke puts it:
By the beginning of the 19th century there were only a few relatively small Muslim Communities in Yoruba land in places like Old Oyo, Ilorin, Badagry, Epe and Lagos. These communities consisted in the main of Muslim merchants, missionaries and slaves from Hausa land, Borno and further north.35
Losi, in his classical work on the History of Lagos, maintains that as far back as 1775, ‘Islamic religion, known then as Mohammedans’ religion’, was established during the reign of Adele who ruled from 1775-1780.36 He claims that this king
34 Sunnah, according to Islamic beliefs is the approved ways and the practices of the Prophet Muḥammad (SAW); failure to abide by the Prophet’s footsteps will make Almighty Allah not to accept ones deeds. For more see, Z.Y.Nawāwī, Riyāḍ aṢ-sāliḥin, Lebanon: Dar- al- Fikr (1990), 8-9.
35 P.B. Clarke, West Africa and Islām: A Study of Religious Development from the 8th to the 20th Century, 166; M. Hisket, The Development of Islām in West Africa, 19-29.
36 J.B.Losi, History of Lagos, Lagos: Africa Education Press (1967), 19.
gave freedom of worship to some slaves under him. Islām was fervently practised among the Muslim liberated slaves who returned to Lagos across the sea in 1841.
These groups of returnees made the nascent Muslim population in Lagos become stronger.37 Lagos was historically noted as an Islamic nerve centre in the south west of Nigeria because Islamic associations, religious Da‘wah were steadily going on there. The establishment and opening of the foremost Shitta Bey mosque in 1894 also contributed to Islamic awareness. One would be curious to study events as well as religious developments in such a State with a view to analysing the reasons why syncretism is still considered rampant among them; despite the age-long introduction of Islām and the multitude of Muslim missionaries, teachers, Muslim title-holders and those who have performed pilgrimage to Makkah among them.
Lagos is a conglomerate of various Muslims from different ethnic backgrounds. It appears that the work will be able to cover a large population of Yoruba Muslims.
Epe town was also chosen based on the fact that in all the Yoruba states, it is noted for its majority being Muslims, and has been one of the important ancient Yoruba centres of Islāmic learning as far back as 1875. The practice of Islāmic law and establishment of Islāmic State was virtually won de facto in this period. The Muslims here had Muslim rulers and their cases were tried according to Malik law by these rulers in concert with the chief Imām, and their lives were guided by the Muslim code of conduct.38 Muslim clerics swamped into the area from other Yoruba cities in order to establish Arabic and Islamic schools. Hence, Epe was
37 T.G.O. Gbadamosi, The Growth of Islām among the Yoruba 1841-1908, 28; H.A.B. Fasinro, Ahmadiyya (Achievements and Conflicts) as I See it, Lagos: Irede Publishers (1994), 1-2.
38 T.O. Avoseh, A Short History of Epe, Lagos: Adeolu Press (1960), 5; S .Oyeweso, Journey from Epe; Biography of S.L.Edu, Lagos: West African Book Publishers (1996), 5.
noted for Islāmic activities such as teaching, preaching and healing.39 Clarke also shares the assertion of the age-old introduction of Islām into Epe.40
Another reason that made me to choose Lagos State is the fact that Lagos State is the former capital of Nigeria, the position it occupied from the time of colonialism up until the creation of Abuja in 1999; but it is still the commercial capital. It is populated by a large concentration of people from different ethnic groups, in which Yoruba occupies a prime of place as the mirror of other States.41 The work perhaps will be able to cover a large population of Yoruba Muslims.
Moreover, Yoruba speaking people were chosen because they are in everything religious42, and one will be able to analyse critically the reasons why they hold on to traditional beliefs and practices alongside Islām. It will also provide a better opportunity for thorough investigation, because the author is very familiar with the Yoruba people and their culture. Being a Yoruba Muslim since birth and my personal experience as a Yoruba will prove useful during the field work, combined with ‘my faith’ and my experience brought on by this faith will actually constitute
‘data’ or ‘evidence’ upon which inductive reflection can take place’.43
39 T.O Avoseh, A Short History of Epe, 164-165.
40 ‘…Epe was almost entirely Muslim by the 1870s and Islam rapidly developed in Lagos between 1850 and 1900…’ For details, see P.B. Clarke, West Africa and Islām: A Study of Religious Development from the 8th to 20th Century, 170.
41 A.O.K. Noah, Fundamental of General Studies, 15-17.
42 E.B. Idowu, Olodumare, God in Yoruba Belief, London: Longman (1962) 141-143; A.R.I. Doi, Islam in Nigeria, 107; ‘…Nigerians are in all things religious…’ E.B. Idowu, God in Nigerian Belief, Lagos: Federal Ministry of Information (1963), 1. ‘…Nigerians are religious people…’;
S.Shagari, My Vision of Nigeria London: Frank Cass & Co (1981), 413; ‘…Religion rounds up the totality of African culture…’; K.S. Opoku, West African Traditional Religions, Accra: Federal International Ltd (ND), 11.
43 P. Berger, The Heritical Imperative: Contemporary Possibilities of Religious Affirmation, New York: Anchor Press (1979), 141.
The benefits of being an insider-as-researcher are increasingly recognized by the academy as Needleman points out as regards the study of esoteric spirituality, when he says: ‘scholars need to allow the seekers within themselves to exist; and seekers after esoteric knowledge must, for their part, allow within themselves the validity of the outward, analytical, or critical mind’.44 In other words, as a member of the researched community, I can serve as a bridge between the outsider and insider dichotomy, there will be deeper understanding of the community and to retain an objective posture through applying the theory and the adoption of a relevant methodology which allows for the two perspectives. By this method as Pearson observes, ‘…the researcher will act as both insider and outsider, embodying the resulting tension in a positive manner which will allow for reflexivity by moving from inside to outside the community and this will allow a more holistic study of the community…’45
Researchers have argued the prons and cons of insider and outsider perspectives in carrying out a religious study. (Cantwell Smith, (1981),46 Heim, (1995)47 and Pearson 2002),48 they suggested that both sides are valuable and neither is superior to the other. Pearson claims that if these two perspectives can be combined, perhaps it will increase our depth understanding of religion, which could be ethical and informative; and the value of the religious community and the academy will not be denied.
44 J. Needleman and A. Faivre (eds), Modern Esoteric Spirituality, London: SCM Press (1992), 29.
45 J.O. Pearson, ‘Going Native in Reverse’: The Insider as Researcher in British Wicca’ in E.
Arweck and M. D. Stringer (eds.), Theorizing Faith: The Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Ritual, Birmingham: University of Birmingham Press (2002), 109.
46 W. Cantwell Smith, Towards a World Theology: Faith and the Comparative History of Religion, Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, (1981), 5
47 S.M. Heim, Salvations, Truth and Difference in Religion, New York: Orbis Books (1995), 45-46
48 J.O. Pearson, ‘Going Native in Reverse’: The Insider as Researcher in British Wicca’ in E.
Arweck and M. D. Stringer (eds), Theorizing Faith: The Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Ritual,107
Albeit, scholars like Ahmad Baba, El-Masri, Ilorin and Gbadamosi, according to Rahman Doi, do not agree on the exact date Islām got to Yoruba land, majority opinion is that Islām was introduced to Yoruba in the early eighteen century.49
Yoruba Muslims in Lagos were chosen in preference of other major ethnic groups like Hausa and Ibo because the Hausa Muslims seem to have been influenced by the Jihād of the famous reformist, (Mujaddid) Uthman Dan Fodio, and one rarely finds syncretistic beliefs and practices among them while the Ibo people are largely Christians; although this does not mean that there is no syncretism among them.
Yoruba Muslims are noted for syncretism, as supported by a popular song among them which goes thus:
A wa o sooro ile wa o A wa o sooro ile wa o Imale o pe, o ye
Imale o pe ka wa ma sooro Awa o sooro ile wa o.
Translation:
We shall observe or celebrate the tradition of our family (2ce) Islām does not debar us from observing our tradition.
We shall (surely) observe the tradition of our family.50
49A.R.I. Doi, Islām in Nigeria, 109 -111; T.G.O. Gbadamosi, The Growth of Islām among the Yoruba 1841-1908, 3; N.A. Fadipe, The Sociology of the Yoruba, Ibadan: University Press Ltd (1970), 35-37; A.A.Ilorin, Nasīm aṣ -Sabāh fī Akhbār al-Islām wa ‘Ulamā Bilād Yorubā, 5-6.
Another popular saying of the Yoruba that depicts their syncretic inclination is
‘Oosa l’a fi n’wa omo, imale l’afi n’wo’. (Translation: Children may be sought through the divinities, although we may bring them up in Islamic way).51 What this song implies, amongst other things is that being a Muslim does not prevent one from partaking in ancestral worship, and that being a Muslim does not prevent one from seeking assistance from gods and goddesses, entrapped between Islām and Yoruba traditional beliefs and practices. There still exist today, many Yoruba Muslims in my study areas who do not see anything wrong in mixing the beliefs and rites of Islām with those of polytheists. For instance, up until now, some Yoruba Muslims when getting married still mix it with the traditional system. They do not begin a journey, choose a new king and enter into a business without the sanction of the oracle.
Oyelade notes that the acceptance of foreign religion does not imply the need to break with the traditional cultural heritage. Hence, the Yoruba see a new religion as
‘an addition to’ and not ‘elimination by substitution’. Here lies the dilemma of the Yoruba Muslim. He has to combine three or more contending philosophies, teachings and views together with the teachings of his religion (Islām), if he is to remain a Yoruba of Oyelade’s imagination and description. He further claims that anything contrary to that ‘will be a direct antagonism to one’s family and society, an action capable of inviting great calamities.’52 This position is best exemplified by
50 T.A.O. Avoseh, Short History of Epe, 15-17. It could also mean celebrating the custom of our people.
51 Interview with Akanmu, Yoruba Lecturer at the Department of Yoruba Languages, Adeniran Ogunsanya College of Education. 31/09/08.
52 T. Oyelade, ‘Yoruba Muslims and Cultural Accommodation’ in P. Ade-Dopamu &
E.A.Odumuyiwa (eds.), Religion, Science and Culture, NASR (2003), 197.
the marriage contracted by the Yoruba culture and interlaced with western civilisation and Islām.53
Islām as a religion is non-syncretic; its beliefs and practices are wholly divinely revealed, it does not stand in need of any borrowing from other faiths and it was complete at the time Allah perfected the religion.54 The revelation of Sūratul al-Kāfirūn (Chapter 109) shows clearly the position of Islām on syncretism. Yet, in the name of ancestral customs and traditions, social conventions, imitative instincts, and due to ignorance, many among the Yoruba Muslims of Lagos State still syncretise. It should be noted that Imām al-Ghazali, a prolific and versatile scholar (d.505ce) wrote at length on many areas of Islamic Studies especially Tawhid.55 Ibn Taymiyyah, a thirteenth century (C.E) theologian, and his student, Ibn Qayyim, both wrote extensively on the subject of syncretism purposely to return the Muslims
53 A.A. Akanni, ‘Dangers in the Muslim Home: Cultural and Civilization Challenges to Islamic Marriages in South-Western Nigeria’ in I.L. Akintola, T.M Salisu, B.O Yusuf, (eds.), Correlates of Islām, Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press (2009), 103.
54 Q, Chapter, 5: Verse 3’...Today I have perfected your religion for you…’ Although, crically looking the verses in Q, Chapter 3:3 ‘…confirmation of what came before it…’ and Q, Chapter 4:47
‘… confirming what was already with you…’ Q10:37, 3:50. The Qur’ān came to confirm the true and original message in the previous messages, to guard and act as a check to its interpretation. The Qur’ān therefore confirms the main and uncorrupted features of previous revelations. The
messengers contact with Allah through inspiration unified their message. It is apparent in these passages of the Qur’ān as confirming the uniformity and the truth in the message of the previous messengers in terms of unity of Allah, commanding what is good and forbidding evil and confirming their truth; which have not been interpolated nor abrogated and is in conformity with the Qur’ānic teachings. According to Islāmic beliefs, any passage there in that contradicts the Qur’ān should be rejected. It also shows that the message of the earlier messengers came from Allah and they all sent with the same purpose to establish monotheism. The Qur’ān serves as a criterium for the previous revealed Books. For more details, See Q5: 48, Q2:62; Q2:91, 101, 136, Q3:85. See M.M. Khan and M. T. Al-Hilali, Translation of the Meanings of the Noble Qur’ān in the English Language, Madinah: King Fahd Complex (1419/), 116; A.Y.Ali, Modern English Translation of the Holy Qur’ān; Meanings and Commentary, Kansas: Manaar International (1998), 950.
55 M. Ghazālī, ‘Aqīdah al-Muslim, (4th ed.), Cairo: Dār Tawfīq, An-Namūdhjiyyat (1984), 73-74;
M.A. Quasem, The Ethics of Al-Ghazali: A Composite Ethics in Islam, Selangor: National University of Malaysia (1975), 13-15
of their age to the orthodox Islām.56 Following in their footsteps, one of the reforms carried out by Muḥammad Abdul Wahab in Arabia was in the area of syncretism.57
Similarly, for Shaykh Uthman ibn Fodio,58 there is an ample of evidence to show that syncretism is one of the problems he and his Lieutenants addressed among the Hausa Muslims of their age.59 The Yoruba from time immemorial before their contact with Islam were mainly staunch worshippers of idols with many ancestral customs and traditions. As said earlier on when they eventually had contact with Islam they found it difficult to completely do away with their traditional beliefs and customs. This study is limited to Yoruba speaking Muslims of Epe area in Lagos.
Since some logistic reasons will not allow us to cover other states and towns. This will serve as a sample of the Yoruba population in order to enlighten people on the phenomenon of syncretism.
This study was conceived and embarked upon with a full awareness of the fact that no reality or knowledge of a religious phenomenon or concept is exhaustive or can be described absolutely at any given period of history; so where reference is made to other African countries by way of comparison, this is done solely to draw some conclusions which are both general to Muslims in West Africa and specific to Yoruba Muslims in Lagos State.
56 Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmū‘ al-Fatāwā, (vols. 1-12) Madinah: King Fahd Publishing House (1995), 45-47; Commentary of Ahmad Ibrahim Isa on Ibn Qayyim’s al-Kayfiyat ‘sh-Shafiyah fil’-Intiṣāarli
‘l-Firqah an-Nājiyyah, Beirut: al –Maktabatu ‘l-Islami (1986), 23-25.
57 Salih ‘Abdullah, ‘Aqīdah ‘sh-Shaykh Muhammad bn ‘Abdu ‘l wahhab as-Salafiyyah wa’Atharuhā fī ‘l-‘Aalām ‘l-Islāmī, Madinah: Saudi Arabia, Islamic University (1416AH /996), 20-23.
58 Although, Uthman ibn Fodio was differed to Muhammad Abdul Wahab with regards to Sufism and schools of law. For instance, Uthman ibn Fodio was a teacher of the Malik School of law and a scholar of the Qadriyyah order of Sufism but Muhammad Abdul Wahab refused Sufism to be a part of Islam.
59 I. A. Ogunbiyi, ‘Nūrul Al-bāb’- The litmus test of pure Islam as interpreted by Shaykh ‘Uthman b.Fudi’ in: Research Bulletin, (vols.18 and 19), Ibadan: University of Ibadan Centre for Arabic Documentation (1990-91), 24-26.