La escuela un lugar donde convergen las diversas ruralidades

For years, sociologists have explained sport as a social construction that reflects and shapes society, especially when probing the topics of social inclusion, access, equity, and power.69 _{With globalization and momentum for uniform modernity, understanding sport}

as a social construction becomes more complex. Levermore and Beacom (2009) sum up the discussion of sport in the global context in two arguments: one, sport continues “to replicate the characteristics of the societies from which they are situated”; or two, sport is “succumb to more homogenized traits because of the processes of colonialization, post- colonialism and globalization” (p. 5). With these two perspectives in mind, Levermore and Beacom (2009) question if sport can be the agent of change, or if sport reflects wider social and cultural change, and furthermore, how this conceptualization influences researchers’ understandings of SDP’s social impact. This chapter will explore the gendered nature of sport in Colombia by critically examining how cultural experiences of physicality are gendered, but are potentially changing, and how this may shape power relations within this specific research. Drawing attention to the complex interplay between agency and structure, this chapter answers the questions, who can play and why can they play?

The site of sport, like home life and work life in Colombia, is gendered. Gutmann and Viveros (2005) highlight that the economic crisis in the 1980s allowed for a shift in

69 _{For positive and negative examples, see: Anderson, 2008; Bandya et al., 2012; Hargreaves, 1994, 2000;}

gender relations, as many families needed two incomes to survive. This shift led to spaces formerly predominantly reserved for men (e.g., cafes and sporting facilities) suddenly having an increased presence of women. Explaining the relationship between power and masculinity, Gutmann and Viveros (2005) argue even with this shift in space the ingrained supremacy of masculinity continues to reign through the reproduction of relations grounded in hegemonic masculinity:

Despite the fact that there are multiple concepts of masculinity, and despite the recent increase in encounters between men and women in time and space, however, there has often, in Latin America, been a tendency to reproduce relations grounded in hegemonic masculinity; that is to ignore or subordinate women. (p. 118)

Whereas men’s participation in sport demonstrates idealized masculinity, young women’s participation contradicts the idealized “delicate” and “feminine” role to be performed by girls and women.70 _{Addressing women’s football in the city of Medellín, Colombian}

authors Cardona Alvarez, Arango, and Garcia (2012) write:

Sports practices, from the beginning, were only permitted for men. Through sport men could develop characteristics such as aggression, competitiveness, and facing danger without flinching. Contrastingly, in societies governed by patriarchal culture, women were prohibited from playing. Women’s roles were relegated to the home, to procreation and to care for children. Historically women were to

70 _{The word “delicate” will be used regularly in this thesis because it was repeatedly used by interlocutors}

express themselves by being delicate, performing as a doll and therefore incapable of participating in rough activities such as football. For example, football is said to be a sport of shock (physical contact) and strength, and therefore women do not have the physical characteristics to compete. This conditioning has given men superiority over women in the development of their physical abilities… It seems that sport and play have been gendered: balls for boys and dolls for girls. This has differentiated the development of physical skills of women compared to men. Each is conditioned and consequently benefits have been provided to the latter. As a result women who practice certain sports, including football, experience rejection, censorship, marking and discrimination because they are not performing the stereotype of femininity that is privileged in this society. (personal translation, n.p.)

A confusing paradox arises and challenges the gender binary when girls and young women play sports like football because their participation in sport places them in a male classification as they are performing masculinity by using their body in so called indelicate ways.

Knowing that playing sports remains taboo for approximately half of all Colombians, a critical question is who can play? Followed by why can they play? The young women participating at VIDA are the first women in their community to participate in organized sport. They are a minority of young women expanding the definition of socially acceptable activities for girls and women. The low numbers of female participants reflect the difficulty of performing a role outside of the social norm –

one that is complex and contradictory. In Chévere only 20 percent of observed participants were female and in Bacano 10 percent. Although these numbers fluctuate by field location and local politics, the reality is that girls’ participation in sport is generally discouraged and these young women experience negative labeling and social stigma on a regular basis. Becoming the example is arduous, and the first step in this act is the personal decision to go to the field to play.

Three themes emerged when answering the questions who can play and why can they play. These include escaping violence experienced at home, because traditional binary gender roles were not practiced at home, and because the young women’s parents believed the potential opportunities through being involved with VIDA trumped social denigration. To give the reader insight into the complex social and affective relations that have shaped and continue to shape female participants’ lives, young women’s stories will be explored through narratives using their words and describing their actions, in conjunction with the words and experiences of those who surround them.