Las reglas institucionales
5.2. La operacionalización del concepto de reglas institucionales
Economic need was one of the main factors why senior women in this study became involved in the paid labour force rather than becoming full-time homemakers (Lewison, Kumar, Wong, Roe, and Webber, 2016; Malaysian Department of Statistics, 2017). Other than being career oriented, living in the capital city of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur and highly populated areas such as Putrajaya and Selangor are very costly which meant our research participants were required to work. According to Abd Ghani et al., (2001), several factors affecting salary levels in Malaysia have been identified including the influx of foreign labour with the rapid expansion of the Malaysian economy and tight labour markets and increased mobility of Malaysian workers. This indirectly has created an excess of managerial jobs in the private sector (Permarupan, Al-Mamun, and Ahmad Saufi, 2013). Data analysis from this research acknowledges that socio-economic factors contribute to a common situation among Malaysian women to have a career.
In terms of salary ranges, the analysis strongly confirmed that the government indeed pays slightly lower monthly income on average than the private sector (see section 6.3). Women in the public sector are concentrated in the lower pay bands, with the majority earning up to MYR20,000, while only one (Secretary General) earned more than MYR20,000. This contrasts with private sector senior women more than half of whom earned over this amount. It is worth noting that there seems to be a mix of motives for participants in this study to join the public sphere of paid work. As discussed in the previous chapter, the shifting nature of private patriarchy has encouraged some participants to work and contribute to their family’s financial stability, as well as fulfilling their personal needs, with a good career and good income. In fact, the majority of the women in the study earn more than their spouses (see chapter Seven for a fuller explanation). For example, Tulip, Sakura and Azalea were aware that there have been increases in life demands and the excessive cost of living, referring to daily expenses such as spending on groceries, children’s educational fees, and paying tolls. They felt that they would not have enough money if they only depended on their husbands as breadwinners to support their family commitments, and that their standard of living would be significantly reduced if they were not also earning. Yet, if their spouses were rich or could give them the same amount of what they earned every month, they would be willing to leave their job.
“I have seven children. I used to tell my husband, if he can give me MYR10 000, I can give up my job straight away” (Sakura, Assistant Director, Public Sector)
“If my husband can afford to pay everything, then I’ll quit my job” (Tulip, Assistant Director, Public Sector)
In contrast, given the movement from private to public patriarchy, the findings reported that twenty-seven women expressed that they could not imagine being a full-time homemaker. During the transition process, private and public patriarchy can exist at the same time. Women may have managed to venture out into the public domain, but the decisions of their career progression could be still controlled by their role in the private sphere. Rose, who worked in the private sector, was offered the chance of being supported by her spouse when they got married. Yet, if Rose was destined to be a housewife, she felt her husband must get them a maid as she would still want to work or run a business from home. Although Rose could have chosen not to work, having a career was necessary and she did not want to accept a traditional female homemaking role that would have left her dependent. Being motivated to do paid work, Kekwa claimed that she would have a headache because she could not wait for Monday to come!
“I feel better when I come to work rather than staying at home. I used to have a headache so bad on Saturday and Sunday because I cannot wait for Monday [laugh]. I never thought of not working” (Kekwa, General Manager, Private Sector)
The analysis could suggest why private sector women appear to be more career-oriented rather than domestic-oriented due to the nature of working in the business sector. It seems that they would be bored if they stayed at home and wanted to be independent of their husbands. Perhaps they wish to break out of the confines of the private patriarchal at home. For public sector senior women, it seems that their motivations are more domestic-oriented, yet the economic needs had driven them to work. It is apparent from the accounts shared by the participants regarding their motivations and what influenced their career direction that both intrinsic and extrinsic factors are at play. While for some, the motivation comes from a need to develop themselves as a career woman and a manager, for others it results from an external financial need. Moving onto the next section, unlike their counterparts in the public sector, many private senior women managers had planned their career paths in advance. The section then further explores whether or not these women in the public and private sector are satisfied with their careers.