La Reconciliación en el Vínculo Fraternal

The Pidgin word kastom originates from the English word 'custom', and is commonly used, within Solomon Islands, and Melanesia as a whole, to describe the

indigenous basis of contemporary society (Akin, 2004; Rohorua, 2006). The use of

kastom in the literature tends to be divided along two main lines (Rohorua, 2007). Firstly, kastom is commonly used to simply refer to the customs or traditions of a particular people or group (Rohorua, 2007). In this respect, it is implausible that there would be a 'Solomon Islands kastom', as kastom within Solomon Islands differs along many lines. In this sense, kastom is diverse and refers to the values, practices, and culture of any one group, often being linked to one's history and ancestors (Berg, 2000; Rohorua, 2007).

The second conceptualisation of kastom is based on a range of anthropological literature, which argues that it can be understood as a political symbol; a form of resistance and political ideology (Akin, 2004; Keesing, 1982). In this sense, Melanesian kastom, is seen, not as equalling indigenous values and practices, but rather, as referring to the evolving ideologies and activities undertaken with the aim of

empowering and protecting particular indigenous values and practice (Akin, 2004, p. 300). Kastom is not simply a given, a set of traditions, past down from previous generations, but is something that people are constantly building on, altering and (re)creating in response and resistance to the changing social, political and economic situations in which they find themselves (Keesing, 1982). In this conceptualisation, rather than being a symbol of diversity, kastom becomes a "symbol of unity" through which different people can come together and appeal for protection of, "the Melanesian way" (Keesing, 1982, p. 298). Akin (2005, p. 76) states that, "kastom is, at its core, about social and community ideals and perceived threats to them". This is backed up by his research with the Kwaio of Malaita and the finding that when traditions came into contact with modernity, these indigenous traditions were amplified and exaggerated and then become kastom as a form of resistance (Akin, 2004). In this respect, kastom represents a "conscious ideology of opposition" (Rohorua, 2007, p. 104) which "contains a powerful anti-capitalist and anti-modernist message, grounded in moralistic themes of protecting communities and indigenous social values" (Akin, 2005, p. 79).

Based on the understanding of kastom as a political and resistance ideology, the active part in 'forming' and working out of kastom means that it is open to high- jacking and manipulation and can possibly be harnessed by people to their own ends, Akin (2004) gives an example of this in the use of kastom to subjugate women. It has been argued that the Solomon Islands government has been largely unsuccessful at exploiting kastom for its own benefit (Rohorua, 2007). One reason provided for this is a fear of giving too much power to 'kastom authorities' (Rohorua, 2007). Another

reason is that the Christian church has stood as an impediment to the inclusion of

kastom, based on the church's historical critique of 'unchristian' indigenous traditions (Akin, 2005). This highlights however, the power of this third part of the tripartite influence on Solomon Islands society, the church.

Religion is reported to have long been an important, if not central, part of Melanesian life and culture (Joseph & Browne-Beu, 2008). Christian churches play a strong role in the Solomon Islands society and are seen to have largely supplanted earlier, traditional religious beliefs which are thought to have been centred on the belief of spiritual beings and forces and rituals and practices to appease, communicate with and manipulate these beings and forces (Bennett, 1987; Boseto, 1992). By the late 1800s, religious practices started to change in Solomon Islands with many islanders converting to Christianity (Boutilier, 1981; Joseph & Browne-Beu, 2008). Missionaries established and provided the majority of educational and medical services prior to WWII, they also encouraged people to relocate from the bush to the coast (Boutilier, 1981). During the 1960s the missions, governed by outside control, evolved into locally governed, established churches (Fugui, 1989).

Prior to the arrival of Christianity, traditional priests possessed much mana

(power) in communities and often collaborated and led alongside big-men (Joseph & Browne-Beu, 2008). As churches came to dominate, this loyalty was often transferred from traditional priests to Christian priests, who became a source of mana and continue to be trusted and respected leaders, often above chiefs and government officials (Joseph & Browne-Beu, 2008). Joseph and Browne-Beu (2008, p. 1) state that, "it could be argued that in the Solomon Islands the only national institutions that command a loyalty and respect that transcend provincial and tribal boundaries are the churches". Additionally, many communities associate by church-denomination boundaries, rather than government boundaries (Scales, 2003). The Christian church has also taken a lead in many aspects of development, such as, providing some medical and educational services (Boseto, 1992; Joseph & Browne-Beu, 2008). Many churches have invested in youth through youth groups; building their capacity and providing opportunities to be involved in leadership (Boseto, 1992). Currently, almost 95% of Solomon Islanders profess to be Christians, although some argument has been made around the nominal character of Christianity and the continual merging of introduced religious knowledge with older traditional beliefs (Bennett, 1987; Rohorua, 2007, p. 97). The remainder of the population are made up of those maintaining traditional religious beliefs and of those following the Bahá’í Faith (Bennett, 1987;

Hassall, 2006). Together with the strong social role of the church, civil society and international aid and development have had an increasing role in Solomon Islands.