La Reestructuración del Aparato Productivo

The ‘ontological depth’ provided by Layder’s theory of domains is reflected in the research map he devised as a framework for formulating and focusing a research project (1993). Layder begins from the premise that empirical research and theorising must go hand in hand, and that theorising should be a continuous process which accompanies research at all stages, not a separate stage at the beginning or end of data gathering. He draws heavily on the grounded theory approach of Glaser and Strauss (1967) that proposes the development of theory from empirical material, rather than testing pre- existing theory or hypotheses on the data, but argues that grounded theory needs to be developed to incorporate elements from general theory in order to account for structural analysis and power relations in society. Layder’s (1993) major criticism of grounded theory is that it tends to encourage the researcher to focus on ‘close-up’ features of social interaction, which misses the ‘structural’ or ‘macro’ aspects of society that can only be observed by paying attention to setting and context. My research follows Layder’s central contention that “it needs to be assumed that structural features are inextricably interlocked with social activities and that we cannot understand the one without the other” (Layder, 1993: 56).

I now discuss the elements of Layder’s research map (1993: 8) and consider how the questions he raises in relation to each have a bearing on my research topic and

methodology. To assist the discussion, a version of Layder’s research map is provided in Table 2.

Table 2: Layder’s research map

Research element Research focus

CONTEXT Macro social forms (e.g. class, gender,

ethnic relations)

SETTING Immediate environment of social activity

(e.g. schools, family, organisation) SITUATED ACTIVITY Dynamics of face-to-face interaction H I S T O R Y

SELF Biographical experience and social

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As my research questions centre on the experiences of women working in traditionally male occupations, the level of ‘self’ is highly relevant. Here the individual’s sense of identity, their personality and their unique experiences are emphasised. Attention to each person’s unique biography provides a counterbalance to social theories that exaggerate the socially constructed effect of the influence of social forces such as discourses, socialisation etc. (Layder, 1993: 77). This dimension is an important aspect of my study of women who take a gender atypical career path, enabling understanding of both the social factors and constraints in their career decisions, and their individual backgrounds and biography. This raises questions about how women forge and

reproduce their gender and sexual identities in relation to their choice and experience of work, drawing on the internal-external dialectic of identification described by Jenkins (2004).

The element of self, though, is deeply intertwined with situated activity, which concerns interactions with others. However at the level of situated activity, the emphasis shifts from a concern with the individual’s response to social situations, to a concern with the dynamics of interaction. In my research, how women experience aspects of ‘self’ and identity is significantly affected by their interactions with others at work. In jobs where they are in a minority as women, the dynamics of their relationships with men often require considerable effort in order to find a place where they ‘fit’. Power relations and control strategies also form part of situated activity. Layder (2006: 279-280) suggests control is exercised in several ways in encounters, such as through self-control and the maintenance of self-composure during social interaction, as well as in the form of mutual benign control and influence, through which individuals acknowledge the interests of others through emotional exchange and recognition. This approach is congruent with the emphasis on gendered power relations of Bradley (1999) and Acker’s (2006a; 2006b) frameworks for analysis discussed in Chapter 3.

The ways in which interactions and relations are played out is inextricably linked to their setting, the next element of Layder’s framework. Setting encompasses both organisations and institutions, as well as continuing relationships with family and friends that form the background to an indvidual’s life. Settings contain local aggregations of reproduced social relations, positions and practices, that embody systemic (structural) aspects of social life (Layder, 2006: 280). The structures, culture and organisation of power relations within a work organisation are all brought to bear in

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how individuals interact at work (as are elements of context, which I discuss below). It is important then to look for the power and control relationships operating within the organisation, which may be the formal management structures, but also informal relations of control, that can include bullying forms of behaviour as well as more consensual relationships of power. It was seen in Chapter 3 that such relations are unavoidably infused with gender, sexuality, class, ethnicity, age and other social divisions. Thus the level of context is always in some way influencing what takes place at the level of setting.

The macro social context forms the most encompassing feature of the social

environment and involves the distribution of material resources, based on factors such as class, gender, ethnicity etc, as well as allocation of status, authority and power, and identification is entailed in these processes too, as Jenkins (2004) notes (see 3.5).

Cultural dimensions, such as values, norms and codes of behaviour constitute part of the context. The macro context of relations of gender, class and dominant heterosexuality is explicit in my research questions, which aim to understand how these operate in specific circumstances, and in the everyday lives of women.

Layder’s research map contains a historical dimension, positing that history is “the temporal dimension though which all the other elements move” (1993: 101), but each element can have different timescales and therefore a different relationship to the historical dimension. This also draws attention to the need to consider change in forms of power and domination. While my study is an investigation of the experiences of women working in two industrial sectors at a particular moment of time (rather than a longitudinal or historical examination), the specificities of the particular period are addressed through an examination of the contemporary context, as well as a brief inclusion of historical insights into the construction industry in Chapter 5. Furthermore, the perceptions of key informants and women workers concerning change in their sectors are included in the analysis.

Following the approach of standpoint theory discussed above, my research starts from the experiences of women. For Dorothy Smith (1988) the starting point must always be from the point of view of the lived experience of actual people, from micro to macro and back again. To start from the macro position would be to deny the reality of the subject. While Layder (2006: 201-2) argues that this singular starting point is unnecessarily restrictive and believes that macro theorising can complement micro

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analysis, I feel that starting from the position of women working in the male-dominated worlds I wish to investigate is justified and necessary, as long as the micro context is seen to be deeply rooted in a macro context of gendered, classed and heterosexualised power relations.