I- Construcción Social de las Identidades:
2. LA TEORÍA DE LAS REPRESENTACIONES SOCIALESSOCIALES
At the intra-personal level o f analysis, the act of eating lies at the intersection of a multiplicity of physiological, psychological, ecological, economic, political, social and cultural processes (Beardsworth & Keil, 1997). It is arguably the psychological literature that will yield the detailed theoretical understanding of nutritional behaviour required to inform future health improvement research. Eating is a complex area of research that attracts the interest o f scientists within multiple disciplines including nutritionists, anthropologists, biochemists, psychologists and physiologists (Blundell & Halford, 1994).
The physiology of eating largely relates to the human digestive system and is outside the scope of this thesis which is more interested in eating behaviour. Nevertheless, it is important to recognise that physiology and behaviour are not mutually exclusive since, for example, appetite control involves a complex inter-relationship between behaviour, physiological processes and neurological activity (Blundell & Halford, 1994). The ‘satiety cascade’ is a series of behavioural and physiological events that occur after food intake that
7 Liking is an affective reaction to food rather than a behaviour but the collective term ’behaviour’ is used to refer to consumption, choice and liking throughout this thesis to aid readability
inhibit eating until hunger signals return (Bellisle, 2008). The homeostatic8 functions relevant to the regulation of energy intake have also been widely researched. Such studies have contributed to the understanding of, for example, the brain areas associated with feelings of hunger and satiety elicited by visual food cues (Cornier, Von Kaenel, Bessesen,
& Tregellas, 2007). Indeed, a relatively new area of research is beginning to shed light on the neurological aspects o f eating due to advances in brain imaging technology. For example, suppressed dopamine receptors have been associated with increased motivation to consume food in obese subjects (Wang, Volkow, Thanos, & Fowler, 2009). Genetic studies have also revealed an obesity-related gene which promotes responsiveness to internal signals of satiety (Wardle, Llewellyn, Sanderson, & Plomin, 2009).
Sociological interest in food and eating gathered momentum in the 1990’s through the study of patterns of food allocation, consumption, production and distribution, and the meanings and actions associated with food preparation, acquisition and consumption (Beardsworth & Keil, 1997). The structuralist approach to food adopted by Levi-Strauss and followers viewed food tastes as culturally shaped and socially controlled such that food, like language, is a link to the unconscious attitudes of society (Caplan, 1996). In Raw and the Cooked (1994), Levi-Strauss explored the mythology of the Brazilian Bororo Indians to show that food is not just nutritional, but linked to social relations (inclusion/exclusion) and cultural ideas (edible/inedible) as well as body and health.
Eating behaviour also has socio-cultural implications associated with its role in cuisine and characteristics of cultural life (Blundell & Halford, 1994). Cultural characteristics such as ethnicity or religion influence many characteristics of the food system. For example, Halal and Kosher food laws observed by Muslim and Jewish populations respectively, define the types of food consumed, together with its means of production, slaughter, storage and cooking (Regenstein, Chaudry, & Regenstein, 2006). It has also been established that cultural differences in eating behaviour exist (Musher-Eizenman, de Lauzon-Guillain, &
Holub, 2009). For example, French diets are characterised by smaller portion sizes and greater variety and are generally considered healthier and associated with lower weight
8 Homeostasis is the maintenance of metabolic equilibrium by several complex biological mechanisms that operate via the autonomic nervous system
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status. In comparison with the US, the French take more pleasure in food and are less concerned about health. Parental attitudes to child feeding are also culturally patterned. For example, US parents tend to allow children more control, and use food to reward behaviour and control emotions whereas French parents tend to teach their children about food and encourage balance and variety. Cultural differences also exist in the timing of meals and associated portion sizes (de Castro, 1977). For example, in the US and the Netherlands, meal sizes increase throughout the day whereas in France, the largest meal tends to occur in the afternoon and there are greater intervals between meal times. In multi
cultural societies, it has been suggested migrants become nutritionally acculturated in that they acquire the cultural norms and behaviours of their host country in preference to their native country (Seth et al., 2007).
The literature relating to the current school food transformation programmes, meanwhile, exemplifies some of the political (e.g., school meal policies) and economic (e.g., income generated from school meals) aspects of eating. In addition, economic disadvantage has been associated with health outcomes such that promoting good childhood nutritional intake is viewed as an effective means o f addressing health inequities (Marmot, Friel, Bell, Houweling, & Taylor, 2008). From a sociological perspective, however, Bourdieu (1984) rejected the idea that income is the main determinant of food consumption since it does not account for different consumption patterns at same levels of income. For Bourdieu, taste is the true determinant and differences in food consumption are either based on acquired tastes for luxury, due to the freedom associated with capital, or necessity. Tastes are also influenced by class related norms such as eating speed (fast/slow); eating together or in designated dining rooms; or, the effects on health and body shape.
The psychology of eating covers aspects such as the psycho-social correlates of eating behaviour (e.g., Bosch, et al., 2004), together with developmental, cognitive and psycho- physiological aspects of eating (Ogden, 2003). These concepts are closely associated with the intra-personal level and also with issues identified within the literature such as interventions being inappropriate for the cognitive stage of the child, and previous school- based nutritional interventions generally producing disappointing outcomes (e.g., Blanchette & Brag, 2005; Burchett, 2003; Ciriza, Perez-Rodrigo, & Aranceta, 2008; de Sa
& Lock, 2008; French & Stables, 2003; French & Wechsler, 2004). The psychological
literature, therefore, should provide a detailed theoretical understanding of nutritional behaviour for suitable for informing future health improvement initiatives.