Underlying the complexity of this medical system, a general pattern can be identified in the sequence of the ritualistic healing process. The first step, as in any other folk or biomedical system, is the presentation of illness to a designated healer and initiation of the diagnostic process.
When a patient develops an illness with a physical presentation such as a skin rash, they often first seek the advice of an older female relative or neighbor who serves as the primary advisor. This advisor, after discussing the symptoms of the ailment with the affected person, wall guide them in the direction described in one of the seven divisions of treatment for this ethnomedical construct.
If the advisor feels that the illness is a result of some magico-religious transfer or contagion, the person is advised to see the "helper" in that community who is deemed the specialist for this particular ailment. If a specialist for such an ailment does not exist in their own community, and the patient is convinced that the ailment is in fact the result of some form of magical contagion or transfer, aide from a known "helper" in a nearby community is sought.
As is common in this south Italian culture, visitors are graciously admitted into homes with an offer to sit and chat over a cup of warm espresso - and so often initiates this healing process. After general conversation, the visiting patient will describe the symptoms of the ailment to the "helper" and politely ask for aide. Depending upon the healer and the particular symptoms being represented,
diverse means of diagnosis may take place. For the example of a skin rash - which is consequently broken down into three categories of illness (,mal viento, fuoco morto, and fuoco di Sant'Antonio) - the "helper'' will thoroughly examine the physical presentation of the rash and then initiate a process of evaluation by questioning the patient as to where they have walked in the past few days and had they noticed anything strange - for example any strange winds (cold or strong). This question of location of physical passage is important in the diagnosis of certain skin rashes as the aetiology is recognized as a magico-spiritual force that is encountered by walking nearby the area in which a person was reportedly murdered in the past. Then, depending upon these factors - the presentation of illness and magico-spiritual indicators recognized by the healer - the ailment may be diagnosed. It is only through this clear recognition of causation that the next step of treatment may be taken.
While treatments vary from illness to illness and are dependent upon the manifestation and perceived origin of the condition - there do exist some general trends in this magico-religious healing art. The healing ceremony begins with both the "helper" and patient making a nome della croce(Catholic cross) on their own bodies. Each procedure entails the use of an oral formula, or prayer, specific to the illness being treated. This prayer is normally said three times and is followed by three Padre Nostro, three Ave Maria, and three Gloria al Padre. Depending upon the preference of the particular healer, one or more of these common Catholic prayers may not be utilized.
Motions of a cross are made in every procedure either directly above the region without bodily contact (most common in cases of dermatitis), or are made through bodily contact on the affected area (most common in cases where massage is also incorporated). Depending upon the illness, a ritual object or just the healer's hand will be used to make this crossing motion.
In cases in which a ritual object is utilized (excluding pelo alia menna ["breast-hair illness"|), the object may serve as a sort of protective barrier between the patient and healer, preventing the passage of biologically contagious (yet only recognized as "magically contagious" in this system) disease between patient and healer. All illnesses that require the use of such a ritual object (excluding mal di pancia
[stomachache]) must be treated at night and are often accompanied by special spiritual restrictions (not entering the church until either the symptoms are relieved or the period of treatment is complete).
There are certain indicators within the ceremony that attest to a correct diagnosis and successful therapeutic session. Yawning and coughing, for example, are important as symbolic expressions of the successful progression of some therapies. In the case of malocchio, if the patient yawns during a treatment, this verifies the diagnosis and confirms that the "evil" entity, either spiritual or magical, is present. The yawning or coughing of the healer, likewise is a sign that the spirit of the illness being treated is present and is coming out of the patient into the surrounding air or symbolic space of the ceremonial location (which is often the helper's kitchen or dining area). It is al this point (only amongst some helpers) that the malocchio can actually enter his or her body, leaving the patient and thus curing the headache. Under these circumstances, the "helper", once finished with the treatment of the patient, will undergo the healing process once more on his or herself as a sort of post-healing sanitation process (much like that of a physician
who washes his or her hands after a conducting biomedical procedure), this time with the aim of self-healing for malocchio.
At the end of each healing procedure, the illness is presented to a higher holy entity such as a specific Saint (sometimes including even "sanctified" plants, as in San Savuco - where savuco is the South-Italian name of the common elderberry tree
[Sambucus nigra]), Jesus Christ, or to the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. The calling of a holy entity is illness-specific and is usually related in some way to the physical presentation of the illness being treated. For example, in the treatment of mat di gola (sore throat), San Biagio, who is the protector of the throat in Catholic tradition, is called. For "strong" illnesses such as malocchio, mal di testa, and mat viento,a more "powerful" entity such as the trinity of Padre, Figlio, e Spirito Santo
(Father, Son, and Holy Spirit) is called forth for help.
The importance of this trinity is also evident in every healing procedure as a distinct emphasis is placed on the number "three". As in other kinds of "magical" acts - repetition plays an integral role in these folk-medical cures. A prayer is always repeated three times (excluding the ceremonial healing of mal di denti
[toothache] which is repeated a total of 27 times or 33) and the treatment period for
"strong" illnesses must be carried out in subsets of three consecutive days until healed. For example, if a patient is still symptomatic after three days of treatment, then three more days of treatment will ensue, and three more days after this (totaling nine days of treatment) will be sought if the illness is not yet cured. It is not always clear what happens after nine days of treatment have been completed and the illness is still present, but in some cases it has been reported by patients that they have sought out treatment from other "helpers" after the first method was unsuccessful and were subsequently healed due to a different diagnosis and treatment. It has also been documented for some other instances of unsuccessful therapy that another form of medicine (generally biomedicine) is then usually sought.
The magic of threes is apparent throughout other forms of magical medicine in many diverse cultures and is also invoked in various connections with "treatments of crossroads and boundaries, directions, sunwise, and withershins" (Hand 1980). This symbolism of the crossroads is addressed in nearly all of the folk-illnesses of this magico-religious system and, depending upon the informant, represents either a place of safety or of vulnerability in regards to the magical contagion and transfer of diverse ailments. Such locations are even integrated into the healing procedure for certain ailments in which something is left behind there for another person to acquire. This action of leaving something behind, and especially the common adjunction of "not looking back" is a taboo as old as the injunction to Lot in the days of Soddom and Gomorrah. One excellent example is the practice of tossing ritually prepared salt over one s shoulder into a crossroad and continuing to walk away without looking back in order to leave behind a case of malocchio.
According to this treatment, the next person to come to that crossroads will then acquire the malocchiothat the first person left behind. Another example of such a magical transfer of illness is best illustrated in the case of mal d'arco("illness of the rainbow"), in which ceremonially collected urine is poured into a crossroads at night. The next person to pass by will acquire the illness that you left behind and you are hence cured. When questioned as to the malevolence of this act of passing one's illness onto another unsuspecting person, people unanimously explained that it wasn't an "evil" act - and especially is not considered a "curse" that you are
placing on someone - but simply a means of healing.
Perhaps this can be better explained by the recognition that the person leaving the urine behind as a symbolic means of transfer does not actually know who will walk by next and acquire the illness. Thus, this magical transfer of illness is not deemed intentional - such as it would be if perhaps the urine was poured instead on a neighbor's doorstep - and is therefore not perceived as an "evil" act.
This conception of "evil" acts by placement of a fattura (curse) does, however, also exist in the region. In any culture in which things magical or superstitious are called upon to do "good"- there are also those that call upon these elements to do "bad". We were able to locate only one man in the region who is known for doing such acts and are not able to speak with much authority as to the process of completing these acts due to his refusal to take part in an interview.
What we do know, however, is that between these two spectrums of this magico- religious health system is that there exist some key differences between those that "help" and those that "curse". Ones who perform rituals for "curses" are both feared and avoided in the community. It is perceived that they are paid monetarily for their services whereas those that "help" are not paid per se, but instead presented with small gifts of food or other small, often homemade, items. While both those who "help" and who "curse" tended to harbor some element of secrecy pertaining to their special knowledge - particularly amongst those "master healers" who are well sought out for their services from the surrounding in addition to their own communities - it was evident that those who where even rumored to have the knowledge for making "curses” were the most secretive.
"Helpers”, when asked about their ability to heal ailments caused by curses, all replied that this was not possible - that only an experienced priest can attempt to help such plights. When one helper in her mid-eighties was questioned as to whether she had the ability to make curses - even for doing good - she comically replied, "Listen to me my daughter. If I were able to do these things, I wouldn't be here with that -" as she pointed to her oblivious husband who was talking to a friend in the street, "but with a prince!".
She continued in explaining that, ”I can only do as God and the Virgin Mary wishes me to do-and that is to help those that lean." It is undeniable that all of those who serve as "helpers" to their communities are devout Catholics. Yet, this fact still presents a bit of mystery for our evaluation as many of these healing rites are not wholly religious in that they do not follow a strict Catholic doctrine - but instead incorporate many paganic elements of magical symbolism and even the sanctification of objects such as plants in their oral formulas and ceremonies. Magical elements concerning the timing of certain treatments also represent an interesting paradox in the evaluation of this mixture of pagan and Catholic ceremony. For example, amongst those illnesses perceived as manifestations of things spiritual or magical - treatments must be carried out either before sunrise or after sunset, depending upon the illness. This, as documented in earlier works on European folk-medicine, is not an uncommon practice, "...the whole period from sundown until sunrise, under certain circumstances, is efficacious for curing, just as it is a propitious time for the carrying out of magical offices" (Hand 1980). This peculiarity of timing, in addition to providing a blanket of secrecy to magical acts, could also be linked to the fact that early morning also happens to be a favorable time (in terms of phytotherapeutic activity) for the collection of medicinal herbs.
Discussion
The ethnomedical practices of such European regions as Southern Italy, which are overflowing with cultural richness, represent a most interesting source for future folkloristic and anthropological studies. The traditional system of healing, which often incorporates phytotherapy with psychotherapy, has served to effectively provide a holistic approach to health and healing within this culture in the past. Unfortunately, the influx of "modern" biomedicine, which is often lacking in such a holistic mode, has had its impact on both the Arbëresh and Italian cultures of the Vulture region. For example, interviews with people aged 55 and younger in Ginestra confirmed that most, in fact, do not believe that the "helpers" way of healing actually works. Western medicine, available in the form of a local physician, pharmacy, and nearby hospitals in Rionero and Venosa, are increasingly preferred as a first response to an illness episode. The opposite, however, is still true for the elder generation (55 + years old). For problems such as headaches, dermatitis, nausea, and stomachache, the help of a healer or herb is sought first and the aid of a Western medicinal is solicited only if the problem is not corrected after a period of traditional treatment.
This generation gap in the region is wide and it can be easily postulated that this mode of healing will not survive the current transition to modernity. This is confirmed by the absolute lack of apprentices to this art of healing. With the death of each "helper", more than just the words to their ceremonies are lost, a large part of this rich culture, including an entire health-belief model is lost as well.
Acknowledgements
Funding for this study was provided by a combination of several grants: Mars Nutritional Research Council, Urbana, II., USA; National Kappa Alpha Theta Foundation, U.S.A. and the Foundation for Science and Disability, U.S.A.
Abstract
An ethnomedical study of three Arbërshe communities in the northern part of the Region Basilicata, Southern Italy, was carried out. Ritual healing practices, including the use of oral formulas, biological materials and ritual objects, are examined for several folk-illnesses. Aetiology, prevention, diagnosis, and treatments, including restrictions, time, and holy entities who are "called” during treatment are discussed.
Keywords
Ethnomedicine; Southern Italy; Albanian Arbërshe; Ritual Healing; Folkloric Studies; Ethnobotany