Delhi is located in northern India between the latitudes of 280-24’-17’’ and 280-53’-00’’ North and longitudes of 760–50’–24’’ and 770-20’-37’’ East. It shares its border with Haryana and Uttar Pradesh and has an area of 1483 sq. km. Its maximum length is 51.90 kms and greatest width is 48.48 kms. The Yamuna River and terminal part of the Aravali hill range are the two main geographical features of the city. The Aravali hill range is covered with forest and is called the Ridges while the river Yamuna is Delhi’s main source of drinking water and a sacred river for most of the inhabitants.
2.1. Demographic Characteristics
The population of Delhi has grown exponentially over the years. It was 13.85 millions on 1st March, 2001 as against 9.42 millions as on 1st March, 1991 that reflects a decennial growth of 47.02% after 1991 census. The annual average exponential growth rate of population of Delhi was the highest (6.42%) during 1941-1951 due to large scale migration from Pakistan to India after partition in 1947. Since then the annual growth has been recorded 4.22 % during 1951- 1961, 4.25% during 1961-1971, 4.25% during 1971-1981 and 4.15% during 1981 1991. The corresponding percentage at All-India level was 21.34% which is almost double the national average.
2.2. Urbanisation
Urban face of present Delhi relates to 17th Century when Shahjahanabad was built, which is now called Walled City. Major change and expansion of Urban Delhi from its original area and face of Shahjahanabad started in the second decade of Twentieth Century when Britishers planned New Delhi,
the Capital of India. Second major expansion started on partition of the country in 1947 with the huge number of refugees coming to settle in Delhi. Subsequently, migration started to this city of opportunities and availabilities from adjoining States of UP, Haryana, Rajasthan for employment. In 1901, 52.76% of the population of Delhi was urban, it was 93.18% in the year 2001. The urban area in Delhi territory has increased from 22% in 1961 to 62.5% of the total area in 2001. Delhi has witnessed a phenomenal and sustained urbanisation since 1931.
2.3. Migration
It terms of migration trends it can be seen from Table 1 that majority of migrating population in Delhi comes from the neighboring state of Uttar Pradesh and Haryana, contributing to almost 50% of the total migrating population. In fact the neighboring states of Delhi i.e. UP, Haryana, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh account for about 70% of the total migration.
Table 1: Trend in Migration
Sl no. States P e r c e n t a g e o f To t a l Migration (1981-1991) 1 Uttar Pradesh 49.61% 2 Haryana 11.82% 3 Bihar 10.99% 4 Rajasthan 6.17% 5 Panjab 5.43% 6 West Bengal 2.79% 7 Madhya Pradesh 2.71% 8 Other States 10.48%
Source: Economic Survey of Delhi 2004-2005 2.4. Population Density
Density of population is one of the important indicators to study population concentration. It is defined as number of persons living in per sq. km. The rapid urbanisation of Delhi has resulted in a sharp increase in the density of population. According to Census of India, the density of population was 274 persons per sq. km. in 1901, this increased to 1176 persons per sq. km. in 1951 and 6352 persons per sq. km. in 1991. In the year 2001 the said figure was found at 9340 persons per sq. km. The density of population in Delhi is the highest among all States/UTs in the country.
2.5. Economic Profile
Delhi reports one of the highest per capita incomes among Indian states. In 2003–04, per capita income, estimated in constant prices at Rs. 29,231 was nearly two and a half times the all-India average of Rs. 11,972 (Fig. 1). Over the years, Delhi has emerged as a major trading, commercial, banking, insurance, retail and entertainment centre of India. It has capitalized well on the new economic opportunities that arose after 1990. Between 1993–94 and 2002–03, Delhi along with West Bengal, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu recorded the maximum growth rates in per capita income. Today, 78 per cent of Delhi’s State Domestic Product (SDP) comes from a strong and growing service sector comprising of trade, hotels and restaurants, transport, communications, financial and insurance services, real estate, public administration,
Sustainable Places and Communities 149 and other business services. Of these, banking and finance,
real estate, and insurance account for almost 30 per cent of Delhi’s SDP.
2.6. Social Infrastructure
Delhi has a literacy rate of 82, which is much higher than those of its neighboring states (Table 2). The Socio – Economic Profile of Delhi (2004-2005) reveals that during the year 2004-05, Delhi had 4879 schools with 93129 teachers involving a total enrollment of 30.22 lakhs students.
Table 2: Comparative Evaluation of Literacy Rates of Delhi and Neighboring States
Sl. No. States L i t e r a c y R a t e (2001) 1 Delhi 82 2 Uttar Pradesh 56 3 Haryana 68 4 Bihar 47 5 Rajasthan 60 6 Punjab 70
Source: Economic Survey of Delhi 2004-2005
The health facilities offered in Delhi is much better than that in the rest of the country, which is clear from the infant mortality rate which was 30 per thousand population in 2002, while the said figure was 68 per thousand population at national level (Table 3). The per capita expenditure on health in Delhi was 484.98 in 2003-04 while the per capita expenditure on health during the said period at national level was 214.62.
Table 3: Infant Mortality Rate (Per Thousand) in Delhi and All India Level
Year Infant Mortality Rate Per capita Expenditure
on Health
All India Delhi Delhi All India
2000 68.00 23.29 137.51 409.19
2001 66.00 24.49 150.19 459.27
2002 68.00 30.00 214.62 4 84.98
Source: Economic Survey of Delhi 2004-2005
In terms of facilities available to the household, it is seen that in 2001, about 93% of the household had electric connection as compared to 79% in the year 1991 (Table 4).
About 785 of the households had access to toilet facilities in 2001 as compared to 64% in 1991. About 75% of the household has access to piped water supply whereas 68% of the household had cooking gas as fuel for cooking in 2001 as compared to 46% in the year 1991.
Table 4: Facilities Available to Households in Delhi
Sl. No
Item Households Households
1991 %age of H.H. 2001 %age of H.H. 1 Electricity available 1,479,620 79.48 2,371,811 92.86 2 Toilet facility available 1,179,797 63.63 1,991,209 77.96 3 Piped water supply 1,409,730 75.72 1,924,140 75.33 4 Fuel for Cooking 865,072 46.47 1,737,730 68.03
Source: Economic Survey of Delhi 2004-2005
3. TRANSFORMATIONS
Over the years, transformations in urban areas have taken place in varied forms, including those pertaining to size of form, landuse, encroachments, structure heights, floor area coverage, in other words, illegal constructions etc. This has also occurred in the formal developments of the city very much outside the legal framework. Though, the growth may not be in accordance with the planning norms of the city, but its very existence highlights its magnitude. Some of the key transformations occurring in urban areas in general and Delhi in particular are summarized in subsequent paragraphs.
3.1. Types of Transformations 3.1.1. Use affiliation
This is a type of transformation that pertains to extent and nature of non-residential use in residential areas and of other uses in areas meant for open spaces. This phenomenon is very evident along the main transport routes and in the developments with smaller plot sizes/ dwelling units. In other words, it can be stated as invasion of stronger land use over weaker in terms of prevailing demand, which is acting as an impetus for growth of a particular land use. For example, at several places in Delhi, the residential buildings along the road or streets near planned markets or business areas are converted to commercial spaces and open areas are being encroached upon for houses, shops etc. The prime reason of this type of transformation is pressure exerted by economic forces, where in the importance of economics prevails over that of habitation.
3.1.2. Built Form
The transformation is in terms of extent of consolidation, horizontal coverage, encroachments, condition of structures, streetscapes. To fulfill their need of space people tend to increase the covered area of the plot. There are encroachments on the common open spaces or roads to Fig. 1: Per Capita Income Details for Delhi and India
150 New Architecture and Urbanism: Development of Indian Traditions accommodate their things. The dwelling units are converted to commercial areas for retail shops etc. and the residential activity is accommodated on the additional floor which contributes to the height transformations occurring in the planned developments. This type of informality is seen in formal settlements having very small dwelling units which, as time passes, becomes difficult to manage with. Social pressure is the main reason for this type of transformation where an increasing population needs to be accommodated in the limited planned space.
3.1.3. Time Affiliation
This type of transformation pertains to the changes that happen over a period of time. In terms of time relationship, the informal growth may be of temporary nature (which have become permanent over time), permanent nature or appearing before its envisaged time. For example, increasingly frequent usage as periodic markets, roadside selling & ‘teh bazari’ converts these areas into permanent markets etc. The permanent nature of informality refers to the developments fully or partly, those covered under land use or ownership related informality. Social and economic issues both are involved in pushing such type of transformations.
3.2. Transformation of Housing Stock in Delhi Table 5: Utilisation of Houses in Delhi
Sl. No. Utilization for 1991 % of total 2001 % of total 1 Number of Census Houses 2446143 100 3379956 100 2 Vacant Census Houses 293677 12 377790 11.18 3 Occupied Census Houses 2152466 88 3002166 88.82 i Residence 171395 79.63 2316996 77.18 ii Residence- cum-other use 88386 4.11 135406 4.51
iii Shop, office 186864 6.68 319233 10.63
iv School, College, etc 2734 0.13 7620 0.25 v Hotel, Lodge, Guest house, 86170 4.00 6005 0.20 vi Hospital, Dispensary etc. 3974 0.18 7661 0.26 vii Factory, Workshop, Workshop 70386 3.27 80165 2.67 viii Place of worship - - 8249 0.27 ix Other non- residential use - - 120831 4.02
Source: Socio Economic Profile of Delhi, 2004-05
The process of transformation in housing areas operates within a wider socio-economic framework. Also, the process of transformations results not only in changes in the built form of the residences but also in the emergence of various other activities and often reducing thereby the limitations imposed by the planned mono-functional residential image. The data for utilization of houses in Delhi (Table 5) reveals that in 2001, only 77.18% of houses were used as residences compared to 79.63% in the year 1991. Around 4% of the houses belonged to residence cum other use category in 1991 and 2001 respectively. The shop or office use of residences has witnessed a 20% increase from a value of 8.68% in 1991 to 10.63% in 2001. Apart from the said uses about 45 of the houses in Delhi were used for other non – residential uses in 2001.
3.3. Area Level Transformations
Case studies were undertaken of four distinct type of settlements in order to appreciate the nature and type of transformations occurring in Delhi. These include Pitampura, Rohini, Madipur and Lajpat Nagar. These case studies have been summarized in subsequent paragraphs. 3.3.1. Pitampura
Pitampura has grown over the years from a non-descript area in northwest Delhi to a potential commercial and retail centre. The retail sector is the prime focus of all the major developers in this area. Major brands and outlets are concentrating on expanding their retail networks in the area. The shortage of quality space in Delhi has been fueling prices northwards in northwest Delhi and many developments are on the anvil in this area. Pitampura is divided into Uttari Pitampura, Dakshini Pitampura & Poorvi Pitampura. The present study pocket lies in Dakshini Pitampura and includes five blocks, each with different characteristics. When proposed, the landuse of the neighborhood was predominantly of residential usage (Table 6) but in last three decades mixed use and commercial evolved considerably. The commercial or mixed land use is concentrated along the main road i.e. 45 and 24 m. wide roads (Fig. 2 and 3). This commercial development is totally illegal and is distorting the property market.
Table 6: Comparative Landuse Distribution of Dakshini Pitampura
Landuse 1981 2004
Residential 50.75 44.74
Commercial 2.74 4.44
Public/ Semi Public 4.61 1.82
Open Spaces & Parks 9.9 12.63
Mixed 0 4.37
Circulation 32.0 32.0
Total 100 100
Source: DDA and Primary Survey - 2004
The permissible height in Pitampura is 2.5 stories but in majority cases G +2 and G+3 structures were observed. The primary surveys revealed that their is extensive violation of the neighborhood fabric due to commercialisation of residential premises. The major transformation is in the land use pattern i.e. from residential to commercial. There is also encroachment on the public land and people have
Sustainable Places and Communities 151 transformed the tenements by covering the balconies
and converting the terraces into rooms in order to accommodate the growing household size. Despite the fact that full potential of built-up has not been exploited the living environment is deteriorating with time due to change in original character of the area.
3.3.2. Rohini (Sector 7)
Rohini scheme was launched in 1980’s to provide housing for the composite society, inclusive of all income groups. It was planned predominantly as residential area for 0.85 million population. However major percentage of the housing was given for EWS and LIG categories. The land use structure of Rohini when proposed showed residential as the predominant land use without any mixed land use option, which is a very evident character of Rohini today. The East Node of Sector 7 in Rohini is one of the first phase developments of the Rohini Residential Sectoral Development in the mid 80s. Over a period of time it is observed that mixed landuse (Table 7) character has witnessed a substantial growth, especially along the main transport routes.
Majority of the buildings are G+2, but G+3 structures are also observed, particularly along the major roads and in LIG plots. The primary surveys reveal that there is extensive violation in the colony fabric.
Table 7: Temporal Variation in Landuse
Landuse Proposed (1980) Observed (2004) Residential 60 39 Residential + Commercial 0 21
Semi Public/ Institutional 22 22
Open/ Green 6 6
Roads 12 12
Total 100 100
3.3.3. Madipur
Located along NH 10 (Delhi - Rohtak Road), Madipur resettlement colony was planned in 1966 for 21,400 persons. Total area under Madipur Scheme was 72.03 acres with 4372 numbers of plots including 92 commercial plots for shops. The Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) allotted the plots in 1968 on basis of Ration Cards @ Re. 1 as license fee that was increased to Rs. 8/- but was neither paid nor collected. Upon allotment, housing layouts were provided by the authorities. These layouts formed the basis for getting loans and building materials for the construction of houses.
Fig. 2: Proposed Landuse along Main Road in Dakshini Pitampura - 1981 Source: DDA
Fig. 3: Existing Landuse along Main Road in Dakshini Pitampura - 2004 Source: Primary Survey
152 New Architecture and Urbanism: Development of Indian Traditions Over the years, Madipur resettlement colony has witnessed tremendous change in the structure. Due to consolidation and improvement in economic conditions, the allottees have brought in their families/relatives thereby increasing the overall household size from 5 in 1981 to 5.85 in 2005. In the year 2005, 20.54 % of households were observed to be living as a joint family and 71.12% households living as nuclear families.
The landuse distribution in Madipur has witnessed considerable change from those proposed in the development plan. Area under residential use has increased to 45% from 31.6% in the year 1968, while that under commercial usage has decreased drastically to 1% from 31.4% due non- utlisation of commercial space (Fig. 4).
3.3.4. Lajpat Nagar
Lajpat Nagar was originally an agricultural land on the outskirts of Delhi and was one of the resettlement colonies planned to settle migrants from West Pakistan. The original allotees were people who were staying in Purana Quila campus after migration to Delhi from Pakistan. Lajpat Nagar was initially a suburb in the south of Delhi named in honor of Lala Lajpat Rai. Lajpat Nagar is divided into four parts: Lajpat Nagar I, II, III (north of the Ring Road) and IV (south of the Ring Road). Housing colonies like Amar Colony, Dayanand Colony, Double Storey (also known as Nirmal Puri) and Vinobha Puri are also located in it. Lajpat Nagar was originally planned as a low-rise high- density residential colony for the refugees by ministry of rehabilitation in 1951. But over the years it has become a major non-hierarchical commercial center serving south Delhi district.
Over the years due to the changing landuse the urban form has transformed drastically. It was originally designed to house 45000 populations on 750 acres of land with a density of 150pph but by 1995 Lajpat Nagar had more than 4.68 lakh people with a density of 625pph. In 1960’s the economic position of migrants started improving and hence first transformation started with addition of kitchen, bathroom and toilet on ground floor. This transformation
along with a provision of a front veranda was legalized in 1972.
It was during the 70’s when large number of Afghans and population of Punjab and Kashmir migrated to this place. However by this time various socio-economic changes took place and there was need for more space and specialized areas. Further, the people who had migrated into these areas were mostly traders with substantial financial resources which in turn helped them investin properties. Locational advantage increased with the coming up of Nehru Place which offered tremendous employment opportunities, thereby increasing the demand for cheap accommodation in its vicinity. Hence Lajpat Nagar became an obvious choice. 4. LANDUSE TRANSFORMATION AND IMPLEMENTATION MASTER PLAN
The Delhi Development Authority (DDA) is the nodal agency for implementing the Delhi Master Plan including development of residential, commercial and other landuses. A quick look at the situation reveals that the DDA is also responsible for landuse transformation occurring in the NCT Delhi due to inadequate demand and supply gap. DDA through the years virtually abdicated its responsibility to build commercial space in the city even though it was the key agency to do so, leading to an acute shortage of legitimate areas for shops and offices.
Table 8: Comparative Evaluation of Proposed and Built Commercial Spaces in District Centres (in 1000 sq.m.)
Sl. No. Zones Proposed Built %age of
total 1 North 987 97 9.83 2 East 762 146 19.16 3 Central 334 327 97.90 4 West 2132 368 17.26 5 South 1022 600 58.71
Fig. 4: Comparative Evaluation of Proposed and Existing Landuse Source: DDA and Primary Survey - 2006
Sustainable Places and Communities 153 According to Master Plan 2001, drawn up by DDA and
finalised in 1990, the DDA was supposed to build up 64.6 million sq. m. of commercial space in 22 new district centres by 2001. Instead, it set up only three new district centres with only 2.43 million sq. m. of additional commercial space, achieving only 3.8% of the target. In the earlier Master Plan (1961-81) DDA had a target of constructing 24 million square metres of commercial space over 15 district centres. But it delivered only 0.5 million square metres achieving just 2% of the target (Table 8).
Hope, opportunity and livelihood drove people by the lakhs to the city which, in turn, created an unprecedented demand for new shops and office spaces. And as the authorities failed to react to the city’s growth, market forces moved in and created commercial spaces in residential areas. The total legitimate commercial space available in the city’s district centres by 2001 was a little over 15 million sq. m., including spaces in those started under the 1961-81 master plan. This was against the DDA’s own projected requirement of over 96 million sq. m. by 2001. Thus, over a period of 40 years (1961-2001), the DDA made available only about l6% of what was needed by its own estimates and promised by the MPDs. Given that the district centres were supposed to account for close to three-fourths of all commercial space in the city with community centres and local shopping complexes accounting for the rest, this enormous shortfall meant the city is seriously starved of commercial space and has adopted its own means for fulfilling it.
5. ISSUES
The foregoing clearly highlights that there is a large scale transformation occurring in the city both in terms of landuse as well as usage of premises. The socio-economic