La Ley Orgánica de Educación Superior y el Sumak Kawsay

Dual labour market theory argues that the market is divided into primary and secondary workers. Primary workers possess high wages, stable employment, good working conditions and promotion prospects. Alternatively, workers in the secondary sector encounter low wages, poor work conditions and employment instability. Unlike neo-classical theory which assumes that individuals behave in an economically rational manner, dual and segmented theories acknowledge the influence of normative assumptions on labour market behaviour. Kerr, for example, considers how institutional rules may structure the labour market:

"Institutional rules take the place of individual preferences in setting the boundaries. Such institutional rules are established by employers associations, by the informal understandings of employers among each other (gentlemen's agreement), by companies when they set up their personnel policies, by trade unions, by collective agreements and by the actions of governments." (Kerr, 1982, p.49)

Whilst dual and segmentation theorists have suggested a variety of models to characterise the operation of the labour market (Walby, 1985, p.154), the concept of internal labour markets (Doeringer and Piore, 1980) is illustrative. Doeringer and Piore argue that management desire stability from labour in order to reduce turnover costs, particularly as modem technology has exacerbated the expense of training staff. The workforce, similarly, desires economic stability and long term employment. Doeringer and Piore suggest that to secure these requirements, a process of negotiation occurs between management and labour which structures the "ports of entry". As far as possible recruitment of non-skilled secondary workers occurs through the market, whilst recruitment of skilled workers occurs from within the firm. Thus a distinction is created between skilled primary workers and non-skilled secondary workers. Piore states that to an extent this division reflects social class position (Loveridge and Mok, 1979), as education and skills appear to be related to class. Consequently, individuals from working class backgrounds with lower levels of

classes tend to work in the primary sector. To sum up, dual and segmentation theory analyses the labour market with reference to the structuring affect of social class and institutional rules. It proposes that the demands of employers for a divided workforce reinforce existing social divisions.

2.1 Women and the Dual Labour Market - How may the above analysis enhance an understanding of women's position in the British labour market? It has been contended that except for the best educated, women are generally employed in low paid industries, often earning substantially less than men in comparable jobs (Bosenquet and Doeringer, 1973, p.427). Overall, women are identified as members of the secondary sector in the labour market (Beechey and Perkins, 1987, p.135). This position is reiterated by Barron and Norris who contend that low pay characterises unstable jobs (Walby, 1985, p.153) and may thus be used as a criterion to assess the labour market composition of the secondary sector. Accordingly, Barron and Norris indicate that in Britain, the secondary sector in the labour market consists for the most part of women:

"In Britain, the secondary labour market is pre-eminently a female labour market if low earnings levels are taken as an indicator of the secondary status of a job." (Barron and Norris, 1976, p.48)

Dual and segmented labour market theories appear to offer an important contribution to the study of women's employment, drawing attention to gender inequality within the labour market and emphasising that women work predominantly in low paid, insecure jobs. When considering the labour market situation of women returning to employment after child bearing, it may be assumed that their experience will bear some similarities. To explore this further, it is necessary to examine why women appear to be employed within the secondary sector. The Cambridge Labour Studies Group, which has revised dual and segmentation theory, has identified factors which structure women's position as secondary workers. It suggests that the participation of

women in the labour market may be related to the processes of social reproduction - the family, education and state welfare (Beechey and Perkins, 1987, p. 138). This chapter proceeds to examine revised dual and segmentation theory with regard to two factors relating to the processes of social reproduction: the family and state welfare.

2.2 The Effect of the Family and State Welfare on Women's Employment Participation - In their analysis of outwork, Rubery and Wilkinson (1981) account for the position of women as secondary workers. Although this constitutes indirect employment, they argue (Rubery and Wilkinson, 1981, p.128) that it is analogous to the secondary labour market in direct employment. When examining the motivation of individuals who perform outwork, and hence accept employment in the secondary sector, Rubery and Wilkinson (1981, p.127) conclude that some workers have no other option, or alternatively, perceive it as a substitute for part-time work. Two factors appear to structure the choice of individuals who perform outwork. First, minimal financial needs are supplied by either the state or family and thus low wages are acceptable as they constitute additional income. Second, the labour market participation of outworkers is influenced by their position in the system of social reproduction. It is suggested that women accept outwork, and hence low paid jobs in the secondary sector, because they are partially supported by a partner or the state. Meanwhile their opportunities in the labour market are limited by constraints associated with housework and child care responsibilities.

Rubery and Wilkinson's study appears to be particularly relevant to an examination of women returning to the labour market after childbearing, as the position of women within the secondary sector of the labour market is associated with their role in the family. It also identifies the function of the state in maintaining the traditional sexual division of labour. The above argument appears to confirm previous discussion within this study (Chapter One, 1.2) which contends that the labour market participation of

women returners is influenced by their position in the family, a role reinforced by the state. Rubery and Wilkinson also acknowledge that the structuring effect of women's domestic role accords employers a pool of cheap labour. On the other hand, the authors do not offer an analysis which explains why the sexual division of labour in the home exists in its traditional form. In short, why is it women, not men, who have primary responsibility for childcare? This study contends that dual and segmentation theories are limited by an analysis which does not fully account for the existence of gender inequality in society. It has been suggested (Chapter One, 1.2) that the "traditional" sexual division of labour is a product of a patriarchal culture.

2.3 PROCESSES WITHIN THE LABOUR MARKET WHICH INFLUENCE THE