Liberando el embrollo teórico

Some mental health professionals highlighted little difference between how male and female survivors presented, or the difficulties they experienced. MHP 9 noted:

Between men and women, there are more similarities than there are differences in terms of reactions and symptoms… because the survival mechanism is the same…

This is consistent with literature suggesting more similarities than differences exist between genders, as a reaction to experiencing CSA (e.g., Romano & De Luca, 2001; Scott-Young et al., 2007).

However, some notable gender differences were observed with male survivors. They were perceived to experience more shame, issues with sexual identity, and externalising behaviour such as anger and violence. Communication style also emerged as a difference between male and female survivors of CSA.

5.3.1 Male survivors and shame.

A theme identified by mental health professionals was that male survivors of CSA experienced more shame than females. Whilst it was strongly emphasised that shame was acute amongst both genders, mental health professionals believed that the male biological response to the abuse, along with societal attitudes that deny male victimisation, contributed to survivors’ shame. These observations are supported by literature where males may perceive biologically responding to touch as implying they were complicit in the abuse (Alaggia & Millington, 2008). Shame perpetuated by society, such as existing socio-cultural myths surrounding male vulnerability and victimisation was cited by mental health professionals as a

was thought to result in males generally taking longer than female survivors to disclose their experiences in therapy:

Men don’t seek help and perhaps that is a gender issue in terms of how they deal… and how we as a society kind of promote it as well… - MHP 9.

This view is consistent with literature suggesting that males face unique barriers preventing disclosure based on socio-cultural norms and expectations (e.g., Kia-Keating et al., 2009; McAdam & Fitts, 1999; Sorsoli et al., 2008).

5.3.2 Male survivors and sexual identity.

Many professionals noted that male survivors tended to experience sexual identity issues, characterised by rejecting stereotypical ‘macho’ behaviour or being uncertain their sexual orientation. MHP 6 explains:

Among the men I’ve worked with… there has been a lot of issues with the men who have had an early sexual trauma [perpetrated] by a male, that have really reflected on their concept around are they gay, are they not gay?

These themes are reflected in the literature, with males victimised by men often confused about their sexual identity (e.g., Alaggia & Millington, 2008; McAdam & Fitts, 1999). Male survivors believe they might be homosexual, due to being targeted by the perpetrator, along with encountering a biological response to the abuse (e.g., Alaggia & Millington; McAdam & Fitts).

5.3.3 Male survivors, anger and violence.

Anger and violence were noted by mental health professionals as issues more apparent amongst male survivors of CSA. While anger was common for CSA survivors of both genders, males were perceived to ‘externalise’ their anger, in the form of aggression and violence. MHP 5 recalled two male clients who had been sexually abused by their brothers as children, and later sexually revictimised as adults by women:

Both presented with significant anger management issues… and a desire to get retribution over females… so a lot of female hate, a lot of exposure to utilising things like brothels and strip clubs, because that was perceived as very

demeaning for women, so that was a place they felt most powerful… both had had exposure to the criminal system, both had had histories of assaulting women…

Two reasons may explain this perceived gender difference. Firstly, aggression and violence could be symptomatic of hyperarousal, with individuals tending to react disproportionately to a provocation (Herman, 1992a). Secondly, aggression and violence is considered to be more culturally and socially acceptable for males to express, rather than other salient emotions, such as sadness or fear (Crowder, 1995). These findings are consistent with literature that suggests

experiencing anger is common amongst CSA survivors (e.g., Denov, 2004; Nelson, 2009; Neumann et al., 1996). Existing research suggests males engage in the externalisation of anger, whilst female survivors tend to internalise their feelings of anger, with self-harming, anxiety and depression (Finkelhor, 1990).

5.3.4 Communication style.

Mental health professionals noted a difference in communication style between male and female survivors. Professionals observed that male survivors preferred to recall the abuse experiences rather methodically and graphically, whilst female survivors tended to be more oblique when describing their sexual trauma. Adult survivors corroborated this, by stating that while they had disclosed their experience of CSA, they had never “gone into details” of the abuse with anybody.

This observation was especially apparent to mental health professionals who worked on the sexual assault crisis line. For example, MHP 8 explained:

We find a lot of men want to, need to, get out what actually happened physically, and it always sounds like a porn sort of thing…

However, MHP 6, who consulted with CSA survivors face-to-face, also noted this difference:

[For her male client] … it was really important for him to share every single detail of that abuse, what it felt like, what happened, where it happened, how it happened…

Professionals also noticed that male survivors tended to be less interactive with the listener, with MHP 3 noting:

… A lot of men just want an ear, they don’t want you to interact with them at all, it’s just about them letting off and telling you what they need and what they know!

On the other hand, female survivors tended to not speak about the assault experience itself, but referred to it rather vaguely. It was also perceived they used emotional language rather than graphic language to relate their experiences. The researcher also observed this when CSA survivors were relating their experiences of consulting with a mental health professional. They did not discuss details of the consultation (e.g., where it was, what was said), but rather their interpretation of what was said and how they felt about it. However, observation is difficult to substantiate as no male survivors of CSA participated in this study in order to allow for comparison.

Communication style was an unexpected theme that emerged from the data, and not an aim of this study. Differences in verbal communication style between genders have been the subject of research for many years (Haas, 1979). Such disparities may have implications for mental health professional practice, as

highlighted by professionals who worked on a sexual assault crisis line. They raised the issue of having to discern quite quickly between what was a genuine and what was a ‘sexual harassment’ call. When incidents of male survivors being graphic in description occurred, these mental health professionals steered the conversation to

how the CSA resulted in the survivor feeling. This tactic was thought to separate the genuine survivors from the sexual harassment callers.

It appears that regardless of gender, it is irrefutable that experiencing CSA can have long-lasting, detrimental effects on survivors, even into adulthood (Romano & De Luca, 2001). However, these findings also draw attention to possible differences that may exist, due to socio-cultural myths, norms and expectations that are commonly attached to gender.