La llamada Inicio a la incertidumbre

Each identified group emerged at a different (unknown, except in the case of SC1) time. This may have been in response to the challenge or issue that is its raison d‟être (SC1 and SC3) or as a result of the unique bonds created by a common unifying

characteristic (SC2 and SC4). The timing and bases of emergence are reflected in the type of group that is formed: first, in terms of it being a permanent or transitory group; second, in terms of the maturity of its artifacts (see 5.3.1, p. 114 below) which in turn, affect the group‟s capacity to mobilise material and symbolic resources to influence its

members.

SC1 is likely to conform to Martin‟s (2002) hypothesis that subcultures which

emerge as the result of an issue are prone to be transitory, and will cease to exist once the issue around which they emerged is resolved. Conversely, argues Martin (2002), groups based on shared unifying characteristics, such as gender or profession, are more likely to be permanent and will be sustained over extended periods of time despite changes in membership. However, it is apparent from this research that conditions may materialise to threaten the permanent nature of the group, as is the case with SC2. This group is on the verge of extinction, despite being perceived as a stable and permanent group.

All the groups revealed in this research are at a different level of maturity. Group maturity has been typologised in a variety of ways. Functionalist research frequently refers to strong/weak or dominant organisational cultures (e. g., Bellou, 2008; Lok et al., 2005; Rodrigues, 2005; Saffold, 1988; Trice, 1993) and this typology has been applied in the analysis of subcultures. Lok et al. (2005, p.495), for example, argue “conceptually subculture is a subset of culture and as such is similarly constituted and functionally equivalent…subcultures, then, can also be typologised in the same manner as main cultures”. However, in keeping with the symbolic paradigm, such

conceptualisations are redundant in this research. Rather, subcultures are described in terms of their level of development or maturity. Thus, SC1 is conceived as immature or under-developed; it is a relatively new group which is still in the early stages of creating artifacts. Some are already distinguishable, such as the rejection of overtly social activities within the workplace and the acceptance of overtime and others are certain to develop. Applying the same typology, SC2 is a mature or well-developed group, despite its imminent extinction. Although none of the group‟s artifacts were observed, such an assertion is based on evidence of the wide-ranging and enduring influence on other PD members, as articulated in non-SC2 members‟ responses. Moreover, the demise of SC2 serves to illustrate the transitory nature of subcultural groups, even those that initially appear as stable and enduring, or permanent, in character.

Of the remaining groups SC3 is revealed as a mature or highly-developed and permanent group, despite having emerged as the result of an issue. It could be argued that the group will continue to exist as long as the organisation continues to operate in its current form. Likewise SC4 is revealed as a mature group with a range of well- developed artifacts to communicate and maintain its existence.

5.3.1 Artifacts of dynamic subcultures.

A range of physical manifestations or the visible expressions of culture underpin the continued existence of the subcultural groups. The most visible are the institutionalised informal communication channels that have evolved to support SC3 and SC4. These channels serve two purposes. First, frequent and regular face-to-face interaction between group members is a defining feature of subcultures (van Maanen & Barley, 1985), and without this characteristic subcultures are unlikely to emerge, as illustrated by PD2. Despite the existence of some other characteristics, no evidence was revealed to support the notion that a subcultural group had emerged among PD2 members. Second, these informal communication channels appear to play an important role in developing, communicating and reinforcing the shared meanings that make the groups unique.

For SC3, these important meanings include acceptance of and support for ZAOC Norge‟s health, safety and environment (HSE) orientation; for SC4, it is respect for

others. In turn, these important meanings are enacted in the behaviours adopted by members, and ultimately, delineate the different groups.

5.3.1.1 Behaviours in response to HSE orientation.

Members of SC3 and SC4 enact behaviours that suggest they widely support the organisation‟s orientation toward HSE. Indeed, the high degree of enthusiasm for HSE

was absent among other groups identified within the PD. For an energy company in particular, the existence of such a group which not only understands the importance of safety but also enacts behaviours to communicate this priority among both its members and non-members, is likely to have multiple benefits (Høivik et al., 2008; Høivik et al.,

2009; Mearns et al., 2001). Conversely, the absence of such groups is potentially damaging (Mason, 2010) with low levels of support leading to complacent behaviours, and, ultimately, accidents.

Such policies are not only implemented to safeguard the health of the organisation and meet regulatory requirements, although these are surely the overriding motivations behind the “Zero accidents” slogan. Nonetheless, there is a belief among

SC3 and SC4 members that the proactive implementation of HSE strategies by ZAOC Norge indicates a high degree of care towards its staff as individuals. These findings are consistent with those of Høivik et al. (2009), whose research shows a strong correlation between an organisation‟s health and safety orientation and perceptions of the level of

care the employing organisation has for its employees. This perception of a high level of care by the organisation for its individual employees, in turn, appears to contribute to the degree of affiliation that exists between ZAOC Norge and members of SC3.

5.3.1.2 Behaviours in response to bureaucracy.

While the results indicate that SC3 (and by implication SC4) members accept and support the HSE orientation of the organisation, this is not the case with regard to bureaucracy. The increasingly bureaucratic orientation of the organisation is reflected in members‟ perceptions of trust, empowerment and creativity, and is affecting their roles as efficient service providers to other members of the organisation.

The way in which this is articulated varied between groups. SC3 members perceive the amount of bureaucracy is harming the day-to-day operation of the PD in particular, but also the organisation as a whole and it is the possibility of harm that motivates the groups‟ response. The groups‟ raison d‟être is to protect the interests of

the organisation to ensure the continued success of the entity ZAOC Norge. Thus SC3 members are utilising their influential positions within the PD to effect positive change and counter potential damage to the organisation. On the other hand, while members of SC1 and SC2 were often critical of the amount of bureaucracy within the organisation, their censure is not manifest by the emergence of countercultures.

The results demonstrate the dynamic nature of the subcultural groups identified within the PD. Each group is defined in a different way, and communicates and maintains its identity in divergent approaches to a range of organisational issues, including HSE and bureaucracy.