Los clientes de TODOGRAF: La Industria Gráfica

"Technology cannot be kept from the Soviets by endless paperwork requirements. Americans who ship crucial weapons and documents to them are criminals: criminals are glad to sign papers."

— George Gilder, New York Times

Are these businessmen, the deaf mute blindmen internationalists, also guilty of treason? It is interesting to initially look at this question from the viewpoint of the other side, the Soviet side. Avraham Shifrin, a former Soviet Defense official, has a blunt conclusion. Shifrin calls the transfers treason and "they (the businessmen) should be shot" (page 21).

To take another example from the other side, the Marxist rebels in El Salvador, the Faranbundo Marti National Liberation Front, receive aid from the Soviet Union. At the same time they claim that our aid to the elected Salvadoran Government makes our military advisors in El Salvador legitimate targets for assassination, i.e., the U.S. is an enemy just by virtue of economic subsidy. In brief, the other side interprets aid, even with no technological component, as equivalent to treason.

In the original version of this book, National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet Union,

published in 1974, we declined to term subsidy to the Soviets as treason because the vital element of intent was missing. This conclusion was phrased as follows:

Do the actions described in this book [i.e. National Suicide] constitute "adhering" to these enemies, "giving them Aid and Comfort"?

The actions do not legally constitute treason. The Constitution defines the term strictly, for the intention of the framers, with good reason, was to deny Congress the right to interpret treason too freely. Moreover, the body of relevant case law is not substantial. The Cramer and Haupt cases after World War I suggest that both intent to commit treason and overt treasonable acts are required, in addition to thorough proof. While the actions described here could be interpreted as giving immediate "Aid and Comfort" to the Soviet Union, there is no specific evidence of intent, and in-. tent is a vital requirement. Idiocy, inefficiency, intellectual myopia, and so on, do not suggest intent (p. 240).

We need to pose the question again, given the accumulating evidence of the last 11 years. Does this sequence of events and actions fall within the meaning of treason? Specifically, does military aid to the Soviet Union constitute "adhering to their enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort"? as defined in Article III, Section 3 of the Constitution of the United States.51

Are the Soviets Enemies?

The Soviets have always been explicit about their intentions — so was Hitler in Mein

Kampf.

Objective truth has no place in Communist morality, by their own statements. Any statement that will advance the cause of world communism is regarded as truthful, acceptable, and perfectly normal. As far back as 1919, Zinoviev put it well in a statement that applies to the Viet Cong and the Sandanistas as much as to the revolutionary Bolsheviks:

We are willing to sign an unfavorable peace. It would only mean we should put no trust whatever in the piece of paper we should sign. We should use the breathing space so obtained in order to gather our strength.52

This immoral dogma — moral only in Marxist ideology — was emphasized by Joseph Stalin:

Words must have no relations to actions — otherwise what kind of diplomacy is it? Words are one thing, actions another. Good words are a mask for concealment of bad deeds. Sincere diplomacy is no more possible than dry water or wooden iron.53

In 1955 the staff of the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary examined the Soviet historical record and, not unexpectedly in the light of the foregoing statements, came to the following conclusion:

The staff studied nearly a thousand treaties and agreements ... both bilateral and multilateral, which the Soviets have entered into not only with the United States, but with countries all over the world. The staff found that in the 38 short years since the Soviet Union came into existence, its Government had broken its word to virtually every country to which it ever gave a signed promise. It signed treaties of nonaggression with neighboring states and then absorbed those states. It signed promises to refrain from revolutionary activity inside the countries with which it sought "friendship" and then cynically broke those promises. It was violating the first agreement it ever signed with the United States at the very moment the Soviet envoy, Litvinov, was putting his signature to that agreement, and it is still violating the same agreement in 1955. It broke the promises it made to the Western nations during previous meetings "at the summit" in Teheran and Yalta. It broke lend-lease agreements offered to it by the United States in order to keep Stalin from surrendering to the Nazis. It violated the charter of the United Nations. It keeps no international promises at all unless doing so is clearly advantageous to the Soviet Union.

[We] seriously doubt whether during the whole history of civilization any great nation has ever made as perfidious a record as this in so short a time.54

More recently in the 1970s and 1980s the Soviets have broken the SALT treaties and used the era of detente to develop an awe-inspiring weapons arsenal.

Consequently, the history of Soviet foreign relations from 1917 to the present suggests, for those who can interpret history, two conclusions: 1. The Soviets will not keep their word in any foreign agreement. 2. Their intent is self-admittedly aggressive, with world conquest as the ultimate goal.

The 1970s era of detente was a sham. Increased U.S.-Soviet trade, allegedly designed to lower tensions, was entirely contrary to historical observation and rational deduction. Mikhail Suslov, longtime Russian Communist Party theoretician, stated in 1972 that the U.S.-Soviet detente was temporary and that, so far as the Soviet Union is concerned, merely an interlude to gain strength for the next stage of the battle against "imperialist aggression." Suslov in 1972 repeated and reinforced Zinoviev's 1919 statement; there is no change of heart or direction.

The Soviet Record of Aggression

A review of the human cost of Soviet double-dealing emphasizes not only the risk we run by attempts to mellow Soviet statism, but the extreme seriousness of the actions of the deaf mute blindmen.

In every year since the Bolshevik Revolution the Soviets have murdered their own citizens for political reasons: that is, for alleged or real opposition to the Soviet state. The AFL-CIO has mapped Soviet forced labor camps. Moreover, in every year since 1917 the Soviets have attacked other countries or interfered massively in their internal affairs.55

The human cost of the Bolshevik Revolution and the ensuing civil war in Russia has been estimated at 7 million Russians. Between 1930 and 1950 more than 20 million Russians died in forced labor camps. Khrushchev personally supervised the massacre of more than 10,000 Ukrainians at Vinnitsa.

Soviet agents were in Spain before the Spanish Civil War of 1936 and unquestionably had some role in starting it (cost: 275,000 killed).

The supply of Soviet armaments to the Spanish Republic is known from material in the records of the German military attache at Ankara, Turkey.56 Soviet arms shipments began in September 1936. Soviet intelligence agents, operating in Spain before the war broke out, were under General Ulansky, who was also responsible for logistics. In addition to supplies, the Soviets sent 920 military "advisers": 70 air force of-ricers, 100 other officers (as early as September 1936), and 750 enlisted men. From September 1936 to March 1938 about 110 shiploads of Russian military supplies left Odessa en route to Spain, almost all from plants built by the deaf mute blindmen. Foreshadowing the situation when the USSR supplied Cuba and North Vietnam, only thirty-two of these ships were under the Soviet flag — and most of these Soviet-flag vessels were foreign-built. These 110 vessels carried the following armaments to Spain from the new Western-built Soviet plants:

Tanks and armored cars 731 Planes (mostly fighter aircraft) 242 Guns 707

Antiaircraft Guns 27 Trucks 1,386

What was the U.S. technical component of these arms?

The tanks sent to Spain in 1936 were based on British Vickers or U.S. Christie designs. Soviet aviation technology was mainly American (except for French Potez and Italian seaplane designs). The guns were Krupp, but the trucks were Ford, Hercules, and Brandt — all from plants built by American firms just five years previously.

After this, in 1937, Stalin's Red Army purge killed 30,000 — the cream of the Soviet military.

Two years later, in 1939, Russia attacked Finland. Cost: 273,000 Finns and Russians killed. In 1939 or 1940, the Soviets murdered 30,000 Polish officers at Katyn.

Persecution of Russians and the peoples of Eastern Europe continued after World War II, assisted by the British-American Operation Keelhaul.