Participant observation of a routine shopping trip formed the final stage of data collection. As an aspect of ethnographic approaches to research, participant observation is grounded in a commitment to gaining ‘first hand’ experience in
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particular social or cultural settings (Atkinson, 2001: 4). According to Flick (2009) participant observation has two aspects, firstly the researcher increasingly becomes a participant within the area of interest and secondly observation moves through a process concentrated on aspects essential to the research in question (Flick, 2009: 226). I was keen to gain access to various aspects of the work associated with food, and food shopping as part of consumption encompassed a number of areas I wished to explore.
Shopping for food is a significant part of the work of food provision. As it is
connected to the commercial end of global production of food and supply, this aspect of food work reveals how individuals perceive food and make decisions and choices based on their particular circumstances and beliefs. This method was used to observe how individuals literally go about the work of providing food and how this process ties in with the work of cooking and food provision in families. As part of this thesis I took a keen general interest in observing how people shop, what they buy, and what trends and advertising may influence particular purchases. I explored differing types of shopping from small shops right through large supermarkets. I observed men, and women shopping alone, or with children, and different age groups from young to older people. By routine observation I gained a sense of the variety of ways people go about this task which proved useful when I set about conducting formal
observation of a routine shopping excursion
The process led me to consider how I was going to use this method with participants. As field work can bring up a myriad of aspects I was concerned with how and what I could observe and what aspects were most relevant to this work. Taking into account
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that the choice of setting gives clarity to what aspects of observation are being observed based on the research focus, I took an approach that was practical and feasible based on a routine shopping trip (Atkinson, et al, 2001:6). As food shopping is implicated in gendered work of caring and nourishing through food this was one aspect of interest. It also involves, making choices and considerations for family members along with financial, nutritional, and possible ideological stances associated with food, all of which considerations formed aspects of interest for my work.
Through my contacts I secured a small number of participants from among the interviewees. Initially six people were willing to be involved in this stage but due to problems in organising the trips four were finally carried out. Participants 6, 11, 21 and 22 all agreed to take part in participant observation of a weekly food shopping trip. As Table A.3.1 shows, two were full-time homemakers and two were working in occasional part-time occupations. All four participants in this phase were married with young children living at home. Three of them had also kept a food diary providing a depth of invaluable data adding strength and robustness to the methodology.
According to Becker participant observation is used to gather data by participating in the daily life of the individual or group being studied and it may be used to better understand a group or individual. It can also be used as a theoretical method in its own right or as additional means to validate or test a priori hypotheses (Becker, 1958: 652). In my work participant observation formed an additional method to explore ethnographically how individuals engage in this aspect of food provision and the different meanings this may portray.
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I arranged to meet two of the participants at the supermarket chosen for a routine shopping session. I travelled together with the other two participants to the store. As pre-arranged each of them went about this task in their usual manner. I explained that I would accompany them and got their agreement to take field notes as we went around the store. All of them were anxious to chat and comment as we made our way along the aisles and I found that each of them wanted to explain their shopping method, choices made, and details of specific purchases. As shopping is generally a social act I engaged in conversation during the shopping trips. My field notes consisted of key word observations which I later expanded into field notes.
Each participant displayed different patterns when shopping. None used the same supermarket but they tended to use different stores to buy specific items, or when they were doing a larger or smaller shop. Two of the trips were for a full weekly shopping and the other two to get a smaller amount of items. Three of the participants had a list which they followed carefully, progressing in an orderly manner around the stores yet voicing their disapproval of the layout and awareness that it was set up to make them buy more. The fourth participant was rushed and only wanted a limited number of items because they were leaving on holiday in a few days. This shop was random, containing extra treats and favoured foods for the family reflecting a ‘holiday mood’ of relaxation and departure from routine.
Shopping is an integral part of the everyday work of feeding others. It involves thinking about meal planning, choices and prices. Shopping is also an act linked to social relations especially those of care and love for others (Millar, 1998). Themes of concern for the choices of family members, thrift, and devotion, were displayed
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during the trips, but also levels of frustration with stores layout and frequent re- arrangement of products on display. Each of the participants spoke freely about different items and presented reasons for purchases that indicated that those they shopped for were central to their rationale of choices. For most this was presented as healthy choices of ingredients but also included, favourites, and treats, including for themselves.
A comprehensive world view of shopping and consumption beyond everyday understanding was discussed and displayed by some participants. For one it was seeking out and purchasing organic meat when on special offer because she explained ‘I will not subject my child to hormone treated meat’ (Laura, 22), for another it was only buying local meat and vegetables with ‘no food miles’ (Sonia, 6). Their views led them to select specific products and brands consistent with their beliefs. When taken in the context of the meanings they had professed in interviews, and food diaries, the discussion also offered a means of validation and in some cases, contradicting them. For example Beth (11) who spoke of having a strict approach to shopping to a budget for a family of six, following her list carefully, she also included treats, sweets and products she knew her children would like a departure from a healthy diet she spoke of in her interview. When finished we discussed the shopping trip and comments or ideas that arose about it. I recorded our meetings with their permission. The
observations and discussion are included as part of the overall analysis.