There are emergent trends in the field of CSA. Jones and Jemmott (2009) found evidence of new trends in child sexual abuse and patterns of CSA that emerge as a consequence of specific events such as natural disasters, global trends, developments and technology. They term these collectively as ‘emergent trends’. These emergent issues seem to affect not only the international community but also Zimbabwe. As the country keeps pace with global trends, developments and technology, new CSA trends emerge. Zimbabwe is open to new development thanks to increased use of new media: cell phones, digital television; the internet and exposure to foreign countries through migration and visits. New CSA trends expose children to CSA in many ways. Firstly, there is cell phone pornography. Jones and Jemmott (2009) report this as a growing problem among children. Children use the cameras on their cell phones to take nude images of themselves and their friends and then distribute the images. Sloth-Nielsen (2014) observes that the rapid increase in access to digital media, especially via cell phones is an increasing CSA risk in developing countries.
Secondly, internet abuse is another emergent CSA trend. This new form of CSA exposure involves children being approached by predators through social networking sites. Martin (2014) observes how the ascendancy of the internet has introduced new aspects to child sexual
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abuse (CSA). She argues that through the intentional production, uploading and distribution of child sexual abuse images online (CSAIO), children are being exposed to CSA. Thirdly, there is a new trend of child sex tourism. Jones and Jemmott (2009) found that there was clear evidence of a growing market for child sex tourism. There were several specific examples given such as the existence of an organised pedophile network set up to service cruise ships, boys were a specific target of this activity. Fourthly, there is a new trend called opportunistic CSA. This form of sexual abuse is linked to natural disasters. Jones and Jemmott (2009) argue that natural disasters increase risk of opportunistic CSA. They further argue that natural disasters often result in families being relocated to temporary shelters. Children in temporal shelters may share living space with CSA offenders who take advantage and commit CSA offenses. Displacement disrupts family life and forces families to focus on survival. Such disruption in family life may lead to children being left unsupervised; children may have to fend for themselves and their siblings. In addition, it can be argued that such disruptions and the results of disruptions increase CSA risk. Zimbabwe is prone to natural disasters such as droughts and floods which are issues that can lead to opportunistic abuse.
Fifthly, there is a new trend of CSA offences committed by girls. Jones and Jemmott (2009) observe a new trend in the Eastern Caribbean: Anguilla, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, and Montserrat, St Kitts and Nevis, of girls sexually abusing other children. In this form girls engage in sexually aggressive behaviour in which groups of girls gang up on individual boys and sexually abuse them. Child labour in Zimbabwe results in girl children being employed as domestic workers. It can be argued that children under the care of such domestic child labourers are at risk of this new trend, that is, CSA offences committed by girls. Lastly, Jones and Jemmott (2009) found a new trend of transactional sex involving children. According to Jones and Jemmott (2009) this new trend involves children paying other children for sexual gratification. Transactional sex involving children was reported as a problem across the Eastern Caribbean. They found young girls agreeing to sex with teenage boys for money and material goods. Factors such as poverty and orphanhood increasingly place children at risk of CSA.
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2.5 Factors Predisposing Children to CSA in
Zimbabwe
Various risk factors have been identified as placing children at risk of CSA. MacMillan Tanaka, Duku, Vaillancourt and Boyle (2013) note that the factors that place children at risk can be viewed from an ecological perspective and placed into demographic, familial, parental, and child categories. Jones and Jemmott (2009) identify factors that can be classified as being familial, societal, physiological, economic, political, and social and cultural factors. The following section looks at various factors that place children at risk of CSA in Zimbabwe.
2.5.1 Familial factors
Familial factors relate to the quality and nature of family life in which the child lives in. In addition, this view argues that CSA is more likely to occur in families that have a series of consternation. Firstly, CSA is more likely in families that have poor relationships between adults in the family. Secondly, CSA is most likely to occur in families that have a history of violence in the home. Thirdly, CSA is most likely to occur in families where children are unsupervised and lack adult supervision. Lastly, CSA is more likely in families where males in the household with a predilection for sexual abuse, there is serial or multiple partnering of parents and children often left by themselves. The following looks at familiar factors that are argued to promote CSA.
2.5.1.1Presence of a stepparent
Jones and Jemmott (2009) argue that stepfather abuse is a major problem both at the perceptual level and also at the level of social reality. They further argue that their findings concur with international studies which show that stepfather abuse is significantly higher than abuse by biological fathers. The above observations support the suggestion by Daly and Wilson (1994) that the absence of a biological relationship between the child and the caregiver can increase the risk of CSA.
2.5.1.2 Use of Substances
In addition, CSA has been shown to be present in families where there is alcohol or drug abuse. Children whose parents have an alcohol or drug abuse problem are at a higher risk of CSA than
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others (Finkelhor, 1997and Putnam, 2003). According to Chitereka (2012, p.33), substance abuse also increases the risk of sexual abuse of children in Zimbabwe. The use of substances in Zimbabwe is attributed to factors such as the economic and political crisis, and frustration faced by Zimbabweans (Chitereka, 2012).
2.5.1.3 Parental Absence
Birdhstle, Floyd, Mwanasa, Nyangadza, Gwiza and Glynn (2011) identify a link between orphanhood and CSA. They argue that orphaned children are more at risk of being abused. In addition, using nationally representative data on female adolescents (15–17 years) from 13 countries in sub-Saharan, Kidman and Palermo (2016) found the likelihood of sexual abuse among orphans compared to non-orphaned peers. According to Save the Children UK (2007), largely due to the HIV/AIDS pandemic, the number of orphans (of one or both parents) is steadily growing in Mozambique. As a consequence, many children now live with a stepmother or stepfather, or with members of the extended family. In Zimbabwe, it is estimated that over 1.6 million children have lost the care of their parents to HIV/ AIDS and related causes (SOS International, 2017 and Ministry of Labour and Social Service, 2011).Consequently, these orphans remain at risk of CSA. The increased CSA risk of orphans comes from the non- availability of comprehensive social security provision targeting such vulnerable sections of the society in the country. In addition, such children may live in child headed families that lack supervision. Such children may also be forced to stay with relatives who may themselves commit CSA offenses.
2.5.1.4 Children with and of persons with Disabilities
Kheswa (2014) also finds a link between CSA and disability; suggesting that children with mental illness are more at risk. Mutetwa (2011) argues that vulnerability of children is a social construct that is a reflection of socially excluding societal attitudes on disability and impairment. Phasha (2013) found that communication barriers were a strong factor in CSA and disability. Furthermore, children with disability are dependent on their care givers further making them vulnerable to CSA. A child with disability’s dependence makes them more likely not to disclose the abuse and continue being abused. Subsequently disability may imply that children with disability may not be able to defend themselves in the face of an abuser, for example, not being able to scream for help. It follows that perpetrators are more likely to sexually abuse them. Vulnerability to CSA increase for children with mental illness as
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perpetrators may realise that such children may not be able to convince their care givers, professionals and the court that they were abused. Disability becomes an influential actor in increasing vulnerability to CSA.
2.5.1.5 Children living on the Streets
Living and working on the streets has been identified as another CSA familial risk factor. Children who live on the streets with and without their families are at risk of CSA. In an Indian study, Kacker, Varadan and Kumar (2007) found out that children living and working on the streets reported the highest incidence of sexual assault. Muchinako, Chikwaiwa and Nyanguru (2013) also found living on the street in Zimbabwe a CSA risk factor. The children on the streets phenomenon is attributable to a number of factors. Firstly, the orphan challenge highlighted above has forced children onto the streets of Zimbabwean cities. Secondly, the breakdown of traditional extended family systems has resulted in children with no family support system. Traditionally, children were looked after by the extended family in the event of death or absence of the biological parents. This safety net seems to be eroded due to factors such as urbanisation and adoption of western nucleated families. Lalor (2004) observes the rapid disintegration of clan authority due to exposure to the harmful elements of modernity and rapid social cultural change. Lalor (2004), however, argues that CSA was recorded, historically, in ‘traditional’ extended family based societies. Lastly, the problem of children on the streets points to a lack of comprehensive government provided child welfare programmes. While Zimbabwe has the Children’s Act Chapter 5.06 (2001) that defines children on the street as being in need of care, the country continues to see children living on and off the streets. This points to the ineffectiveness of government provided safety nets for children in need of care. Bhattacharya and Nair (2014) argue that complex familial factors may push children on to the streets further exposing them to chronic CSA. Living on the street therefore, places children at CSA risk.
2. 5.1.6 Siblings of CSA Survivors
MacMillan, Tanaka, Duku, Vaillancourt and Boyle (2013) argue that siblings of child survivors are at increased risk of CSA. History of CSA in a family is a risk factor. It can be argued that, CSA offenders have equal access to siblings of CSA survivors who live in the same environment. The presenting sexual abuse could be explained by the presenting survivor’s ability to report. Secondly, the abuse would have been discovered due to physiological effects
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that cannot be concealed such as pregnancy, injuries and STIs. Lastly, the abuse of the siblings may remain concealed due to the effects of socialisation. It can be argued that where boys are sexually abused, they are more likely not to report as they are socialized to accept that boys are not weak (Cermak and Molidor, 1996; Finkelhor, 1997and Rudd and Brakarsh, 2002). Larlor (2004) observes that revealing CSA can be viewed as shameful. Given the proximity of the perpetrator to the survivor’s siblings, the discovery of an abuse becomes a risk factor that other children in the same environment are at risk of CSA. It can be argued that there is need to widen the scope of interventions to include siblings of CSA survivors to eliminate possibilities of concealed CSA involving siblings of CSA survivors.
2.5.1.7 Family Belief Systems
According to Duncan (2005) internal belief system of a family and external family behaviour coexist within a family environment and interact to create and maintain CSA risk. Established
maladaptive belief system in families where sexual abuse occurs contributes to CSA