Método para determinar la compatibilidad entre licencias de obras insumo y

Shamanism’s impact upon the Korean mind and culture is as profound as it is old. The Korean value hierarchy, social practices, family life, and political life all reflect the influence of Shamanism. Son (1983:337) asserts that “even though it has been pushed aside throughout Korean history by Buddhism, Confucianism, and Christianity, Shamanism’s resilience has been remarkable. Buddhism and Confucianism have been Shamanized to a certain degree and Christianity has also been influenced.”

While examining Korean preaching in relation to these Korean indigenous religions that influence the formation of Korean Christianity, Lee (1997:27-40) pays attention to the following three representative indigenous religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. Lee (2002:31) mentions that “the general characteristics of these religions are: a Shamanistic tendency, syncretism with other religions, otherworldliness with a pessimistic worldview, and exclusive, rigid conservatism.”

In Korea when a family of the shamanistic faith opens a new business, the Mudang is invited for the rituals of material blessings because the ritual of blessing has the power to transform evil fortunes into prosperity. The rituals are to be performed by the shaman annually at the beginning of the year for a flourishing business. Material blessing is one of the main goals of shamanistic rituals. As a mediator between humans and the pantheon of spiritual forces, the shaman could manipulate the latter to ensure the health, well-being, good fortune and longevity of the people. By catering for the people’s this-worldly and utilitarian concerns, shamanism has profoundly influenced the culture and personality of the Korean people. “Shamanism is a highly fluid worldview, which has always blended easily into other forms of magic and such historical religions as Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism and even Christianity” (Chung 1997:33). Both Christians and the church in Korea adopted many elements from the shamanistic rituals. For instance, in the Korean church, there is an annual visitation program, which is called dae shimbang (annual great visitation program of a

church). The pastors and elders of the churches visit their respective parishioners to bring a blessing of a peaceful and abundant life for the church members. It is also popular in the Christian Church of Korea for church members to invite their pastor to perform a special ceremonial service of blessing at the birth of children, on the birthdays of the adult members, and on the day of opening a new business. Korean churches have unwittingly, and sometimes deliberately, adopted shamanistic practices. In addition, the major point of application in preaching focuses on material blessings in this world. As I mentioned, this representative preaching is the message of “threefold blessings” in the Full Gospel Church.

“This theology of good fortune stipulates that all it takes for one to have access to these ripple blessings is to go through an ecstatic revival experience of being caught up with the Holy Spirit. The church also imposes Pharisaic tithing in a spirit reminiscent of Buddhist belief in karma (without realizing this or at least without acknowledging it). Latent in these endeavors is a calculating and utilitarian mentality which fits in well with the current ethos of a crassly materialistic, newly industrialized society that worships mammon” (Chung 1997:34).

The issue of material blessings has become a great concern to Korean Christians who speaks of kibok sinang (belief in prayers for blessings) as being the principal spiritual problem facing their church. Many Korean Christians are more interested in their pastor’s prayers for them than their sermons. Furthermore, they seem to think that the minister’s prayer is more efficacious than that of a lay believer. In other words, the priestly function of a minister is emphasized far more than that of a prophet.

The other characteristic of the Korean traditional religion is evident in the apolitical and otherworldly tendency with a pessimistic worldview regarding socio-political responsibility. “Although Shamanistic religiosity has exerted such an extensive influence driving Koreans to seek worldly values, such as health, well-being, good fortune and longevity, as regards to believers’ socio-political responsibility, they show a totally different attitude, for example an apolitical and otherworldly attitude with a pessimistic worldview” (Lee 2002:33). Shamanism is only interested in placating evil spirits as a means to receive and enjoy material blessings and happiness in this world. Buddhism in Korea only seeks deliverance from this world of suffering and sorrow. Therefore, both promote the idea that religion and politics are radically separate. “This apolitical and otherworldly tendency and pessimistic worldview provided the soil into which the depoliticizing politics of the early conservative Puritanical

missionaries could rather easily transplant their conservative Presbyterian Churches whose members comprise two-thirds of the total number of Christians in Korea” (Lee 2002:33). Why, then, did Koreans prefer the conservative church’s apolitical teaching and programs? They sought identity, association, fellowship, material blessings, and hope for spiritual salvation. Certainly, the division of the country and the Korean War were factors in bringing about this mentality. In addition, rapid social change and political unrest in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s were the primary contributing factors. Amidst rapid industrialization, unbalanced economic growth, urbanization, frequent military coups, dictatorial regimes, and a series of violent demonstrations, Koreans became “identity seekers” or “community seekers.” To them, the conservative church’s preaching about the afterlife and programs for fellowship were more attractive than the liberal church’s social and political message (Park 2003:46).

More than 90 percent of Korean Christians were attracted by programs such as Bible revival meetings, and dawn and overnight prayer meetings-the conservative church’s major programs. The conservative churches’ programs appealed more strongly to Koreans than those of the liberal churches. Conservative church’s preaching limited itself solely to religious activities and spiritual preparation for salvation in the afterlife. In so doing, the conservative church came to function as a political community by default in that it supported the dictatorial reality simply by taking no action at all.

On the other hand, the liberal churches, with their minjung theology, developed a sensitive ear to the cries of the suffering people. As Chung (1997:41) remarks “Yet while they spoke for the poor and the oppressed, they could not offer firsthand representations of the experiences lived by the people of the grassroots themselves. Furthermore, with its more or less exclusive approach of polarizing the haves and the have-nots, minjung theology has not achieved a large following among people of the middle class, who worry more about their everyday problems as wage earners and consumers than about the politics of social protest and reform”.