6. Marco metodológico
6.4. Método para elaboración de la Matriz de Análisis de Politicas (MAP)
The institutions of forestry developed in response to concern about wood
shortage and the need to manage forests accordingly. However, a more general
social phenomenon, the development of the ‘ecological impulse’ that rose in
response to western industrialisation (Hay 2002), was also important, shifting
perceptions of forests. In the second half of the twentieth century there was a
growing recognition that the world’s forests were not an inexhaustible source of
wood. While the realisation was not new, an emerging global perspective could
see that the frontiers had been explored, the extent of the resource was known,
and its limits fixed. During this time the importance of the world’s forests in
providing ecological services, many with global scope, became clearer. This led
to a burgeoning of interest in sustainable forest management and increased
regulatory application of sustainability, along with third party certification of
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in this context that stewardship forestry began to grapple with incorporating
ideas of multiple values and ecological forestry into its practice. This new turn in
the stewardship forestry approach found explicit expression in the Multiple Use Sustained Yield Act of 1960 in the United States (Lane and McDonald 2002). The
management of wood production forests was legally defined as being for
multiple purposes. Other legislation also reinforced this need to consider a suite
of non‐wood values in forest management.
This approach was widely adopted by the formal institutions of forestry
worldwide. It can be seen in the publications of the FAO (Food and Agriculture
Organisation of the United States), which regularly reports on the extent of
multiple‐use forests globally. For example, the 2010 Forest Resource Assessment
(FAO 2010a) reports that 24 per cent of the world’s forests are designated as
‘multiple use’, as compared to 30 per cent that are designated primarily for
‘production’.
The rise of certification in the last decades of the twentieth century represented a
new form of governance (Cadman 2011). It emerged, in part, due to the failures
of state and international governance to regulate the often distant impacts of
global trading regimes that spanned sovereign states to the satisfaction of social
movements, notably environmental and social justice movements (Bartley 2003).
In part, certification governance can be seen as an extension of the stewardship
forestry model. That is, it develops in order to further forest management
practice where the stewardship dominated state forestry approaches reach
stagnation through the co‐option of capitalist governance. The ‘certification
wars’ that have ensued are a tussle between the pull of the highest aspirations
for forest care from NGOs in particular, and the timber industry, keen to
It is useful to recognise that the stewardship approach also had advocates for a
shift to plantation forestry, in order to conserve other values in natural forests.
Edward Swain, who was significant in the early years of the development of the
stewardship response in Australia, led state forest agencies, first in Queensland
from 1918‐1932 and then New South Wales from 1935‐1942. He was a strong
advocate for a model of forest management that involved the two pronged
approach of ‘the creation of rapid‐growing, intensively managed plantations and
the preservation of natural forests for the spiritual and psychological needs of
modern society’ (Bennett 2010, p. 325). This approach of planting highly
productive plantations was widely adopted in Australian forest management
policy. Successive waves of plantation development9 have dovetailed with a growing natural forest reserve estate; although it is less clear that the policy
intent was to mirror the rationale of Swain. Increasing wood production from the
plantations has, indeed, displaced the output of declining natural forest harvests
that has occurred, in part, as a result of increased reservation10.
In a number of places where the stewardship approach was used for forest
management (such as Australia, the Pacific North West of the US, Malaysia,
Canada) much wood production was taken from first cuts that are known to
have had particularly high (and therefore unsustainable) volumes available to
them (Hyde 2012; Putz et al. 2012). The ability of this model to deliver effective
long term multi‐value forest sustainability has been challenged (Lindenmayer
and Laurance 2012; Putz et al. 2012; Richardson and Peres 2016). In response, in
recent decades there have been numerous attempts to find ways to harvest wood
9 There was extensive expansion of exotic pine species plantations in Australia from the mid‐
1960s to late 1980s and then a focus on eucalyptus species in the 1990s and 2000s (Ajani 2007; Ferguson 2014).
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and reduce its impacts on non‐wood values, such as retention forestry (for
example Gustafsson et al. 2012). These generally involve some variation on
limiting the intensity of logging operations—such as by limiting the removal of
wood and maintaining certain forest structural elements in order to increase
retention of ecological benefits. Nonetheless, logging that is more ecologically
sensitive is also likely to increase the costs of logging through inefficient
restrictions on harvest practice or a need for more dispersed harvest ranges.
Sutton (1999, p. 102), in noting this dilemma, predicted that the tension would be
resolved through increased use of cultivated wood. He also suggested that this
would allow the remaining natural forests to be set aside for non‐wood uses
such as wilderness and biodiversity. For him, this made sense given the high cost
of natural forest management and the conflicting demands on ‘multiple‐use’
forest managers: ‘some [demands] of which are almost incompatible’ (Sutton
1999, p. 102). This approach to wood production constitutes the emergence of
what is posited here as a post forestry stage of wood production—wood
cultivation.